Etext of Andrew Carnegie
By Frederick Lynch, D.D.
Educational Secretary Church Peace Union

INTRODUCTION

THIS little book is the outgrowth of a series of articles which
appeared in The Christian Work of New York. They attracted so
much favorable comment that it seemed wise to expand them and
put them into permanent form. They cover, in part, a phase of Mr.
Carnegie's activities that is not so widely known as are his
beneficences, and were revealed only to his friends. Mr. Carnegie's
"Autobiography" has appeared just as this book goes to press. It is
a rather striking fact that the "Recollections" dwell hardly at all
upon the incidents recorded in the Autobiography, but supplement
it in a way that I am sure will make all, interested in Mr.
Carnegie's career and character, grateful.

FREDERICK LYNCH.
New York, October 18, 1920.

CONTENTS

   I. HOW I MET MR. CARNEGIE
  II. THE PRESIDENT OF THE NEW YORK PEACE SOCIETY
 III. THE PRESIDING GENIUS
  IV. MR. CARNEGIE AND THE FOREIGN STUDENTS
   V. THE MAN OF UNIVERSAL SYMPATHIES
  VI. THE PAN-AMERICAN
 VII. LOVER OF POETRY AND MUSIC
VIII. VIEWS ON EDUCATION
  IX. SOME CONVERSATIONS
   X. AT THE BANQUET TABLE
  XI. FOREIGN MISSIONS AND FOREIGN POLITICS
 XII. THE PHILANTHROPIST
XIII. THE CHURCH PEACE UNION
 XIV. MR. CARNEGIE AS A RELIGIOUS MAN

I 

HOW I MET MR. CARNEGIE

I FIRST met Mr. Carnegie on a special train to Tuskegee. Mr.
Robert C. Ogden, chairman of the Board of Trustees of Tuskegee
Institute, had invited about a hundred men and women to be his
guests for a week on a special train from New York to Tuskegee
and back. The train was made up of stateroom cars with two
dining cars, and the guests occupied the train all the week, even
while at Tuskegee. (Principal Washington had built a spur from
the main road right into the Tuskegee campus. He used to say of it:
"It is not as long as the New York Central, but it is just as broad.")
It was a very happy party. It was made up largely of University
presidents and professors, well-known editors, many publicists,
and a sprinkling of clergymen and authors. Practically every man
on the train was a man of international reputation, but three or four
stood out among all the rest not only because of eminence, but
because of the good time they were having. They were in picnic
mood and were enjoying the trip immensely. They were often
together. I recall especially Mr. Taft, Mr. Carnegie, Lyman Abbott,
President Eliot and Professor Dutton discussing international
affairs. The Philippine question was then to the front and there was
a wide diversity of opinion in this group on that question, and
when the talk veered around to the Philippines, as it always did, a
crowd of us younger men would gather about this group and
listen--sometimes egg the disputants on. Sometimes the disputants
would get quite warm on the subject, and then we heard some rare
talk. All phases of internationalism were discussed, but on this
subject the members of the group were pretty well agreed. But
when it came to the question of armament there came a division of
the house again. There were a good many educators on the train,
and most of them were pretty thoroughly in accord with Mr.
Carnegie's views, namely, that the vocational side of education
should be stressed, and that science should replace the classics.

It was in the dining car that I first met Mr. Carnegie. I was sitting
alone, and he came and sat down opposite me. He immediately
said, "You must be the youngest man in the party." I told him that I
thought I was and that I was greatly enjoying the trip. He then
wanted to know who I was and what I did. I told him that I was
pastor of the Pilgrim Congregational Church, New York City, and
that I had recently come down from Lenox, Mass. He at once said,
"Aren't you a rather young man to be pastor of a church in New
York?" I told him that I thought I was, but that the congregation
had not thought so, so I could not help it. He wanted to know if I
was especially interested in the problem of Negro education. I told
him that I was interested in it as I was in several problems of
human betterment, but that my special interest, outside of my
distinctive parish work, was international peace. I watched his face
as I said this and saw a real interest suddenly come into it. He was
always on the lookout for young men to whom he could pass on
his work and interests. This was one of the secrets of his great
business success. He watched with great keenness the young men
in his employ, and as he found the right man he turned over
responsibilities to him. He thus discovered thirty or forty of the
men who afterwards became heads of his great industries and
succeeded to them. In the same way he was always watching for
young men who had come under the spell of the vision of a new
world order based on those same principles which prevail among
gentlemen. He believed that nations could live together as
gentlemen as easily as individuals. He believed that nations could
outgrow duelling as had individuals. He did not believe that the
question of justice could be settled by fists or guns. He believed
the time had come, when, if this was called to the attention of most
men, and arbitration treaties, international courts, leagues of
peace-loving nations offered in the place of war as a method of
settling international disputes, they would rise to them. This was
his chief interest. He was possessed by it; when he found anyone
equally enthusiastic, especially a young man, he at once became
interested in him.

Immediately he asked me how I came to be interested in that
subject. I told him I did not know. I thought that it was perhaps a
sudden sense of the silliness, the ridiculousness, the futility as well
as the cruelty of the whole war business. I believed in evolution. I
thought we had as a race risen up out of the brute world on to a
higher plane, but that just as we had brought one or two
unnecessary, outgrown physical appendages with us--the appendix,
for instance--so we had brought other brute characteristics--war.
This had suddenly come over me--I knew not when or how.

I then ventured to ask him how he became so interested in the
cause of international good will. He said that he supposed it was
by somewhat the same process as that which I had just mentioned,
but that he thought that his first trip through Europe, where he
came up against the eternal sight of armament and soldiers, did
more to goad him to take up the war against war than anything
else. (Dr. Charles E. Jefferson once told me that it was this sight of
Europe armed to the teeth--its flat contradiction of
Christianity--that stirred him to that fight against wars as a means
of settlement of international disputes he has so valiantly waged.)

Mr. Carnegie also said: "I came home brooding over the fact that
the world was carrying a great, oppressive, unnecessary burden on
its back; one, too, that the people would gladly be rid of. I began
from that day to do my best to help them slough it off."

I was telling him about the Lake Mohonk conferences on
international arbitration, two or three of which I had already
attended, when someone else came and sat down with us, and
entered into the conversation. We began talking about the
education of the Negro, and here there was a little difference of
opinion. Mr. Carnegie was so convinced of the splendid results for
the Negro from the technical training which Hampton Institute and
Tuskegee Institute were providing, that it was a little difficult to
get him interested in the higher education such as Atlanta
University and Fisk University were furnishing. I think he had a
little of that feeling that Mr. Washington himself occasionally
seemed to have, that the Negro would be wise not to worry over
social standing, but bend all his efforts towards success in
agriculture, trades and business, and especially try to make himself
indispensable to the community. (In justice to Mr. Washington it
should be remembered that he realized the need of teachers and
leaders for his race, and was always friendly toward higher
institutions of learning. But I knew him very well and I could
never detect very much sympathy in him for that group of fine men
represented by Professor Dubois and Professor Kelly, who were
standing inflexibly for the Negro's full rights as a man.) I do not
think Mr. Carnegie quite appreciated the sensitiveness of some
Negroes of culture and fine instincts, or how they suffered under
certain rebuffs which came. I told him of a young Negro, a college
graduate, who was very fond of music, who had bought his ticket
for the Metropolitan Opera, and was removed from his seat just as
the performance began, because a Southern gentleman did not
wish to sit beside him.

"Did they actually do that?" asked Mr. Carnegie, quite warmly.

"Professor Dubois tells the story in 'The Souls of Black Folk'," I
said, and added, "I imagine cultured, educated Negroes are
meeting such experiences all the time. I have known of several."

"That is all wrong," said Mr. Carnegie. "That is not democracy.
One citizen has every right another citizen has in a real
democracy."

I asked Mr. Carnegie if he would stop the higher education of the
Negro or insist that he have the rights to which such education
entitles him. Immediately he answered that he would insist on his
being treated as a man, not as a Negro. He himself had always
treated men as men, according to their worth, not their color. I
asked him if he did not think that, where young Negroes had
certain ambitions and ideals reaching beyond that of workingmen,
they ought to be allowed to gratify them, and ought there not to be
colleges for the exceptional Negro? He was very broadminded in
his answer. He said he thought any boy anywhere in the world
ought to have the opportunity to become his best and truest self.
He was not opposed to the higher education of the Negro. He
would be glad to see any Negro boy go through any university. But
he did think Mr. Washington had found the secret of the solution
of the Negro problem, and that he would advise the Negroes to fit
themselves to do the best work possible, for in that way lay their
ultimate recognition by the white people. But he would be glad to
shake hands with any Negro boy who had put himself through
college.

I had other talks with him on the way to Tuskegee and saw him
often after our arrival. He and Mr. Taft aroused great interest
among the students, they being the two men in the party of whom
everybody had heard. Mr. Carnegie was very happy there. He saw
the library which he had given, every brick of which had been
made by the students and laid in place by them. He visited all the
shops and saw the boys learning trades by making things to be
used on the grounds and by building shops and houses, and saw the
girls learning dressmaking by making their own clothes. He visited
the dairies and gardens where girls and boys were fitting
themselves for farm work, and one day took a drive over the
immense farm. He was greatly impressed and said one day that Mr.
Washington was one of the geniuses of the century. (On another
occasion he remarked that Mr. Washington was one of the greatest
men the South had produced. This quite angered some of our
Southern friends, and when I afterwards quoted the remark in an
article in a magazine I received several rather sharp letters. The
only answer I made was that it was true, and was also, I thought, a
very universal judgment.) We lived in the train while at Tuskegee,
the cars having been pulled into the grounds. But one day the
students gave a barbecue for the guests, and we all had dinner in a
grove, seated on benches before long wooden tables. It was
evidently very amusing to the students to see these distinguished
men discussing roast pig and sweet potato pie. The worthies
enjoyed it all very much and became boys again.

Every day there were exercises in the big assembly hall, at which
the school sang and the visitors made addresses. Mr. Carnegie was
fascinated by the singing. I shall have occasion later on to refer to
his love for music. It cast a spell over him, and I have often heard
him say, "Music is heaven"--not a bad definition if one stops to
think what music means. The singing was very wonderful and Mr.
Washington, knowing how fond Mr. Carnegie was of music, had
the students sing the old Negro melodies by the hour. I have never
heard a more wonderful or sweeter volume of tone than rose from
those thousand Negro throats. They all sang with spontaneity and
swaying rhythm, but most glorious of all was the deep undertone
of bass, rolling out in perfect harmonies. One morning I was
hurrying to the chapel--a little late--for the morning exercises. As I
came round a corner, there, under the chapel windows, almost
hidden by some big bushes, stood Mr. Carnegie with eyes shut and
folded hands, in a kind of trance, as the swelling tone rolled out
through the open windows. I, too, stopped and listened, and
watched him.

The music stopped and he came out of his trance. He turned to
where I stood. His eyes were shining. He had been off in great
spaces. It took him a moment to get back. He took my arm and
said only this, "I wanted it to go on forever." When, that evening,
he made his great address, he took occasion to refer to the music.
He spoke beautifully about it. He said it was worth coming clear to
Tuskegee to hear; it would sing itself through his soul all the rest
of his life; after all, the old prophets and poets who had pictured
heaven as a place where one lived to music were not far off in
their prophecies; he had great hopes of a race that could sing as
theirs could; in their songs they had made a distinct contribution to
the riches of the world; the poet had said of a great city being built
that its walls had risen to music; they should build their own lives
to the music of their songs. It was one of those inspired moments
which frequently came to this great man. I shall have occasion to
refer to several others where, for a moments, this man of business
and ardent reformer, suddenly became poet and seer.

Mr. Carnegie's address was one of the events of the week. It was a
discussion of the whole problem of education, especially as it
applied to races that had been held back in the progress of the
world. It was unique and full of originality and personality, as his
addresses always were, and was read from manuscript. But the
audience had something in store for them beyond the address, and
got two or three of the most delicious thrills any audience ever
experienced. Mr. Carnegie had been preceded by a certain bishop
of the Southern Methodist Church. The bishop was a very eloquent
man, eloquent in the Southern style, piling up great periods and
soaring as the eagle soars. He suddenly launched out into a
summary of the things which made America the greatest nation in
the world. One thing after another contributed to this greatness,
until suddenly he added: "We build the greatest battleships in the
world and man them with the finest men," or something to that
effect. (I have not the address before me.) Knowing Mr. Carnegie's
feeling about battleships at just that time, I glanced to where he
sat. No more sphinx-like face was ever witnessed. But I knew we
had not heard the end of those battleships. When he arose to
follow the bishop, he stood for a moment staring at the audience.
He put on his glasses to read--and then slowly pushed them up on
his forehead and turning to the bishop, said, with voice trembling
with scorn, "Have I lived to hear a Christian minister, and a bishop
at that, boasting of battleships!" I cannot recall the rest of his
words, but for three minutes he pleaded with the young men and
women to throw in all their powers and influence to creating a
world where there should be no battleships, but courts of
arbitration and nations living together as Christian gentlemen. The
bishop looked very uncomfortable, and no doubt wished he was
back in his own district. Mr. Carnegie could not drop the subject.
Two or three times in the course of his address the bishop's
battleship suddenly rushed into his mind, and he had to stop, right
in the middle of a sentence bearing no relation to the battleship, to
relieve his mind, while the audience chuckled to itself. The next
day Mr. Carnegie whispered to me, with a sly look in his eye,
"Didn't I lay the bishop out in good style?"

There was one very outstanding incident in the course of the
address. He was reading from his manuscript an account of the
great progress made in the uplift of the Negro as he had seen it
during his lifetime. It had been wonderful.

Then he stopped, put the glasses up on his forehead again, and,
looking over the vast audience, said: "Can one imagine the joy that
would fill the heart of Armstrong and those other noble pioneers in
Negro education could they look down upon us as we sit here
tonight?" And then with most spontaneous and intimate voice
added, "And who knows but they may be looking down upon us?"

I do not remember a more impressive moment in any great
assembly. It was worth a whole volume on immortality.
Furthermore, it was a perfect revelation of Mr. Carnegie's own
heart. His faith was of his heart. In great moments he always rose
to the world of the spirit as I shall have occasion to show.

II

THE PRESIDENT OF THE NEW YORK PEACE SOCIETY

MY INTIMATE relations with Mr. Carnegie began when he
became President of the New York Peace Society. In 1906 a few
of us who had been constant attendants at the Lake Mohonk
Conferences on International Arbitration conceived the idea of
forming a society in New York for promoting the ideals in which
we were all interested. Also we felt that with the assembling of the
Hague Conferences a new era had dawned upon the world and that
the peace problem was being brought down out of the world of
idealism, where all movements are born, and was becoming a
practical, political, question. The Hague Conferences were to be
the assemblies of nations already converted to the ideal (and I
think that with the exception of Germany the large nations were
pretty well converted, and that had it not been for the recalcitrancy
of Germany we should have had a World Court and some sort of
League of Nations long before 1914 which would have made the
war of 1914 impossible), which should devote themselves to the
creation of the international machinery necessary to put the ideals
into operation and make them effective and permanent. It seemed
to us that there should be in New York an organization whose task
should be both to educate the people in what the Hague
Conferences were doing and to stand behind the most advanced
measures introduced into those conferences, perhaps sustain our
American delegates in motions they might present--which,
afterwards, we often did.

In June, 1906, this little group, summoned by a letter signed by Dr.
Ernst Richard of Columbia University, met in the chapel of the
Broadway Tabernacle Church. As I recall the group, among those
present that afternoon were Hon. Oscar S. Straus, Professor
Samuel T. Dutton, Dr. Ernst Richard, Dr. Charles E. Jefferson,
Professor John B. Clark, and Dr. Hamilton Holt. There were a few
others, but I cannot recall them. We organized under the name of
the New York Peace Society and Mr. Straus was made president
and Professor Dutton secretary. I became a member of the
executive committee, which office I have held to this day, and,
during the first two or three years of the Society, when the work of
the secretary began to be too great for one man who could give
only his spare moments to it, I helped Dr. Dutton. The Society
prospered from the beginning. Everybody was interested in the
movement and we soon had several hundred members. The
Executive Committee used to meet with Mr. Straus at his
hospitable home and everything was going well when suddenly
Mr. Straus was summoned by President Roosevelt to come to
Washington and take the Secretaryship of Commerce and Labor in
his Cabinet. We were quite bewildered and wondered where we
should turn for a president. Mr. Carnegie came to the mind of
everybody. He was the logical man. He had put himself upon
record by his great rectorial address at St. Andrew's and by many
other utterances. We wrote him offering him the office. After a
week's space he wrote that he had given the whole matter his
earnest consideration; that all his heart was in this cause; that he
could hardly bring himself to refuse so eager was he to do it; but
that the pressure of work and responsibilities already too great
compelled him to decline the office.

When this letter was read to the Executive Committee there was
great disappointment. The chairman placed it on the table and
said: "Where shall we turn now?"

Then I broke in and said: "Gentlemen, I do not think we ought to
let this matter drop here. Mr. Carnegie is the logical president of
the New York Peace Society. He is our 'man of destiny'. He is one
of the two or three men known all over the world as prophets of
the new international order. With him our Society is lifted up out
of a little, local sphere and becomes a world movement.
Furthermore, that letter sounds reluctant. I do not think we ought
to leave this with a letter. I move that a committee of three or four
be appointed to call upon Mr. Carnegie and personally tell him
that he must be our president."

The idea captivated the group and a committee was immediately
constituted of Dr. Lyman Abbott, Dr. Charles E. Jefferson and
myself. When, a few days later, we called upon Mr. Carnegie one
of the most amusing scenes I have ever witnessed happened.
Before one of us could say a word--and we were all prepared with
long and unanswerable arguments, determined not to leave the
house until he had promised--he burst out:

"I have had the most miserable three nights I have known for
years. I really have not slept since I wrote that letter. Every night
when I would lie down to sleep I would hear this voice within me
saying, 'Andrew, Andrew, aren't you ashamed of yourself? Here for
years you have been advocating arbitration in place of war, world
courts, leagues of peace, and parliaments of nations, and then
when the chance comes really to render the cause some practical
help, and to lead a group existing to put your ideals into practice,
you refuse. Shame on you!'"

The way in which he said it, as well as the whole picture of this
battle of conscience, was so irresistible that we all roared with
laughter, he joining in. Tea was brought in and we all spent a
delightful hour together planning for the work of his society--for
he really considered it his from that moment. He led it faithfully
and enthusiastically until the United States entered the war, and its
activities were stilled for a while. Many of his most notable
utterances on international affairs were made at its annual
meetings and other gatherings. He made an ideal president also in
this regard--he had the confidence of both parties in the society.
The Society has always drawn to itself two groups of people, one,
taking the view that all war is wrong, believing practically in
non-resistance; the other working for the substitution of courts and
arbitration treaties for war in the settlement of international
disputes, but not non-resistant, and not objecting to war in a case
of self-defense. As to the proposition for disarmament, they felt it
was useless to discuss it before some other guaranty of safety for
the nation had been set up. Mr. Carnegie satisfied both of these
groups. He was not a non-resistant, and used often to say that he
"believed in peace so much that he would fight for it." He would
fight for the enforcement of an arbitration or to oppose the
aggrandizement of a criminal nation. Yet he had such a horror of
war, calling it again and again "the foulest stain that remains to
disgrace humanity since slavery was abolished," and was such an
advocate of simultaneous disarmament that he held the radicals,
while by his continual emphasis upon a great constructive program
he held the confidence of the conservative group. Indeed an
utterance I heard him make in 1907 I think exactly summed up the
point to which he had arrived at this time.

He said: "Personally I am a convert to the League of Peace
idea--the formation of an International Police, never for
aggression, always for protection to the peace of the civilized
world. It requires only the agreement of a sufficient number of
nations to establish this. Since the civilized world is now united by
electric bonds into one body in constant and instant
communication, it is largely interdependent and rapidly becoming
more so. War now involves the interests of all, and therefore one
nation has no longer a right to break the peace without reference to
others."

I was greatly interested two or three years after this when at
Washington, at the dedication of the Pan American Palace given
by Mr. Carnegie, President Taft said that the time had come when
no two nations on this hemisphere had a right to go to war to settle
their own disputes and thus plunge the other twenty states into
trouble and confusion. In the course of the evening, at the
reception in the beautiful hall of the Palace, I asked Mr. Carnegie
if he had noticed that sentence.

His face lit up and he said: "Yes, did you? It's just what I have been
saying about the world. The world is becoming almost as much
one as is this continent. No nation can go to war now against
another nation without going to war against all humanity."

"Against all humanity." How often I have thought of that prophetic
word since 1914. One nation went to war; against Serbia? No, it
was against all humanity. I recall another word Mr. Carnegie once
said to me: "The world has become a family. No two nations can
fight each other in it without involving all the other nations any
more than two brothers could begin a pistol fight in the parlor or
dining room without involving the rest of the family." The
fundamental idea in his mind when he drew up his plan of a
League of Peace was that, just as the police would interfere in the
fight between the two brothers to save the rest of the family, so the
international police would interfere in the fight of the two nations
to save the rest of the family of nations.

I saw a great deal of Mr. Carnegie after he became president of the
New York Peace Society as it was necessary to consult him on
many questions. We talked on many subjects and these will be
touched upon later. But I want to devote the next chapter to the
great National Peace Congress held in New York in 1907, of
which he was president. (It was originated and organized by the
New York Peace Society.) Some of the incidents that occurred
during those meetings revealed not only his greatness, but also the
geniality of his personality and gave great play to that sense of
humor which was always finding expression.

III

THE PRESIDING GENIUS

IN 1907 the Executive Committee of the New York Peace Society
held a conference with Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood, president of
the American Peace Society, and Mr. Edwin D. Mead of The
World Peace Foundation, and the outcome of it was the
determination to hold a First National Peace Conference in
America. We took the matter up with Mr. Carnegie and he became
enthusiastic about it and readily consented to act as President of
the Congress and preside at all its meetings. He suggested that it be
held in April, as The Carnegie Institute in Pittsburgh was to be
dedicated on April eleventh, and he had invited several
distinguished men from various European countries to be his
guests at that time.

"We can use them at the Congress," he said, "and that will give it
an international character."

I ventured to suggest to him that perhaps some of them had never
thought much on this particular matter of international peace.

"Never mind," he answered, "we will make them speak, and then
they will have to think about it."

And then he added, with a twinkle in his eye, "We'll make them
put themselves on record."

He did make some of them put themselves on record on this
subject for the first time, with very good results. Some of them,
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, William T. Stead and William
Archer, had long been interested in the subject; but I imagine that
Sir Robert Ball, Sir William Henry Freece, Sir Edward Elgar, Earl
Grey, Maarten Maartens, Sir Robert Cranston and some others of
the distinguished speakers from abroad had never thought so much
about the subject in all their lives as they did in the week they put
upon the preparation of their speeches.

The Congress lasting three or four days was a great success. It was
attended by thousands from all over the nation and some of the
most eminent men enthusiastically took part in it. Among the
speakers were Dr. Hirsch, Bishop Potter, Senator Root, Governor
Hughes, Oscar S. Straus, Mr. Bryan, Jane Addams, Marcus M.
Marks, Nahum J. Bachelder, John Barrett, Edward Everett Hale,
Nicholas Murray Butler, John H. Finley, Edwin D. Mead, Felix
Adler, Samuel Gompers, Terence V. Powderly, Congressman
Bartholdt, Thomas Nelson Page, John W. Foster, Judge Gray,
President Eliot, Archbishop Ireland, Seth Low, Lyman Abbott, and
Lord Bryce, besides the foreign guests mentioned above. Carnegie
Hall was crowded session after session; there were overflow
meetings, and the Congress closed with two great simultaneous
banquets, one at the Hotel Astor, the other at the Waldorf-Astoria.
Professor Samuel T. Dutton was Chairman of the Committee and
Professor Robert Erskine Ely, Secretary.

Mr. Carnegie was the happiest of men throughout the whole period
and was the presiding genius. Nowhere have his amazing
versatility and his rare sense of humor been more fully revealed
than in his introductions of the various speakers and in his
impromptu remarks at the various sessions. And yet he kept the
whole Congress up on a very high level. It addressed itself
seriously to the great questions the Hague Conferences were
discussing and foreshadowed many of those forms of international
organization the world is now trying to adopt after the war. There
is hardly a thing in the constitution of the League of Nations which
Mr. Carnegie and his associates did not foreshadow at this
Congress. Indeed they called for more than the present Covenant
contains, except as it contains it in embryo. In his opening address
Mr. Carnegie set the note for all the sessions. After outlining his
plan for a League of Peace in a passage I have quoted in a previous
chapter, he said: "We urge this plan as the easiest and speediest
means of attaining international peace. Suppose these nations (he
had mentioned a group of the great powers) or others, propose at
the Hague Conference that they and such other nations as concur
agree to say to the world that no nation shall be permitted to
disturb the peace, the nations thus combined would constitute an
overwhelming force; peace would be unbroken, for resistance
would be folly. Nevertheless, the overwhelming force must be in
reserve, each nation agreeing when necessary to exert force to
keep peace, and to contribute its agreed-upon quota, just as the six
Powers did in China. Before resorting to force, it would be well to
begin by proclaiming non-intercourse with the offending nation.
No exchange of products, no loans, no military or naval supplies,
no mails--these restrictions would serve as a solemn warning and
probably prove effective. Force should always be the last resort."

But I do not intend to make this book a history of the First
National Peace Congress. I want rather to recall three or four
occasions where the humaneness as well as the greatness of Mr.
Carnegie was revealed. Who that was present on the night when
Professor Hugo Munsterberg delivered his panegyric on Germany
as the great peace-loving nation--how strange the speech sounds
to-day as I re-read it--will ever forget Mr. Carnegie's turning his
back to the audience and with almost trembling body telling the
great psychologist just what he thought of one statement in his
speech.

Dr. Munsterberg had said: "I know, of course, that every word of
this kind must be unpopular; yet I say it frankly at once: The
German army is not felt by the nation as a disagreeable burden...
The years in the army are a time of pride for the overwhelming
mass of the German people."

This was more than Mr. Carnegie could stand. He exclaimed: "I
have heard Professor Munsterberg make the most extraordinary
statement that I have heard for a long time: that conscription in
Germany was not regarded as a great burden. I should like to have
the gentleman visit our mills in Pittsburg and ask thousands and
thousands of Germans what influenced them to leave Germany for
this land." Then turning to Professor Munsterberg, he said: "I had
in the beginning a German partner--I have had many German
partners and several of them are millionaires to-day--and I have
asked them and also the men in the mills: 'What made you leave
Germany?' and they have answered: 'Mr. Carnegie, I have two
boys; I would not have them in the barracks.'"

After the meeting was over I said to Mr. Carnegie, as he was
putting on his coat in the speakers' room: "I don't think our friend
from Harvard has any doubt as to how you feel about the Prussian
system."

He looked at me a moment and then said: "I came pretty near to
jumping right up out of my chair while he was talking that stuff
about the Germans not feeling conscription as a burden. The
United States has swarms of them and half of them came to get out
from under that whole business." I never saw him quite so excited.
And he was right.

Mr. Carnegie was very fond of Mr. Stead and quite appreciated his
genius--for he was a man of genius. He was more like one of the
Old Testament prophets than any man I have known--fearless,
passionate, fanatical sometimes. He once said to me, "It is only we
crazy men who move the world". Mr. Carnegie had brought him
over for the Pittsburgh dedication, but the Peace Congress gave
him his great chance. He was an ardent worker against war and
militarism and at just this time his mind was full of a pilgrimage
he wanted to organize, where a few should start out from London,
gathering companions as they went from country to country, and
call upon all the kings and rulers of Europe, demanding, not
asking, that they support the proposals for arbitration of all
disputes as framed at the Hague Conference. He was irrepressible
and never missed an opportunity to speak. He was very popular
everywhere, too, and the people were always clamoring for him
when he appeared. He was down to speak at one of the evening
sessions, but many other speakers had preceded him before his
turn came. Mr. Carnegie introduced him as "one of the most ardent
spirits I know among all my friends," but, because it was so late,
asked him if he would take ten minutes, saying that he would have
further opportunities of addressing the Congress. At the end of his
ten minutes he stopped, saying, "My time is up," but the great
audience unanimously shouted, "Go on, go on". Mr. Carnegie had
to still the tumult, but the audience wanted Stead. Finally he got
the people quiet and said: "That man Stead could keep you here an
hour!"

"All right, we'll stay," someone shouted, and the audience began
clapping again. But Mr. Carnegie was firm, and putting his palm
up beside his mouth as though to take the audience into his
confidence, he said in a loud whisper, "He is wonderful, and he has
been speaking ever since he landed in this country; and some of us,
careful of his health, are taking care to limit him." This was too
much, the idea of limiting Stead, and the audience roared.

Then Mr. Carnegie said: "Besides, we have other speakers. I would
like very much to hear him myself, but I must really ask you to
allow the other speakers to speak; it is now after ten o'clock, and
all well regulated families should have the heads of the families at
home before eleven o'clock. We will now hear----"

But the irrepressible Stead leaped to his feet again and said: "Mr.
Carnegie, just one word more; I have obeyed and am always ready
to obey the ruling of the Chair, but I wish to make a suggestion
that when he exercises his rulings and insists, quite properly, upon
the time-table being adhered to, he should not apply it so hard
upon me as to put it upon his regard for my health; and I have
further to say to you that, as he has done so, I think it only right to
make this fair offer to him and this meeting, that after you have
gotten through with the other speakers to-night, if you would like
to stop and hear me, I am game to speak as long as you will listen."
Again there was applause, (Two nights afterwards Mr. Stead
addressed a great audience of workingmen in Cooper Union and
the janitor had to put out the lights to get the audience to go
home.)

I am tempted to digress here for a moment and give one
characteristic incident of Mr. Stead's visit. On the second day of
the Congress one of the clubs on Fifth Avenue invited the speakers
at the Congress to be the guests at a luncheon. Promptly at one
o'clock Mr. Stead put in an appearance with Mrs. Stead.

The doorkeeper greeted him with the remark: "I am sorry, sir, but
women are not allowed in the Club."

"Why not?" demanded the indignant Stead.

"I don't know, sir," replied the somewhat non-plussed lackey, "but
it's the rule, sir."

"Who made it?" said Mr. Stead.

"I don't know, sir, but it's the rule."

"Then I don't go in," said Mr. Stead. "I don't go where my wife
can't go."

"Very well, sir," said the lackey, and Mr. Stead took Mrs. Stead by
the arm and led her back to their hotel for luncheon.

I related this incident to Mr. Carnegie that evening, and he said:
"I'm sorry it happened; but all the world put together couldn't move
Stead from his course if he thought he was in the right."

I remember so well when, several years afterward, the Titanic was
sunk, and Stead went down on her, refusing to leave the ship while
anyone else was on her, I showed Mr. Carnegie a paragraph from
The British Weekly to the effect that it had not yet been reported
whether Stead had been saved or not, but that it was probable he
had been lost, because Mr. Stead would not leave the ship while
there was a single soul on her needing help, he said, the tears
coming to his eyes: "Ah, there's a tribute any man in the world
might envy. And it's true, absolutely true. He was one of the
knightliest souls the world ever knew."

(The reports afterward bore out the truth of the statement in The
British Weekly. Stead refused to save himself, and perished saving
others. "He saved others: himself he could not save.")

Perhaps the most dramatic scene in the whole Congress was the
bestowal of the Cross of the Legion of Honor upon Mr. Carnegie
by the French Government. So many guests desired to attend the
closing banquet of the Congress that it had to be held in two hotels
simultaneously--a thousand guests in each. The Hon. Seth Low
presided at the Waldorf-Astoria and Mr. Carnegie at the Astor. The
speakers addressed both banquets, going from one to the other.
Toward the close of the banquet at the Astor, Baron d'Estournelles
was ushered in, having just spoken at the Waldorf-Astoria. Edward
Everett Hale was just finishing his speech and the Baron heard the
last paragraph. Mr. Carnegie presented him to the audience.

He hesitated a moment and then before beginning his address he
turned toward Dr. Hale and uttered these memorable words: "I tell
you that I shall go back to my country full of faith, full of certainty
for the future. After arriving in this room I witnessed the sight of a
most respected and great old man speaking like a young man.
Knowing him as we all do, but also from what my friend Mr.
Carnegie has said, I think you will allow me to say as a foreigner
who came here yesterday and will be gone to-morrow, that it is a
fine sight to see in your country an old man speaking like a young
man, speaking of the future. I thought yesterday I had seen all that
I could enjoy when I had seen your American children full of
confidence of Peace,[1] but I see now something better still; I see
there is no difference here between generations; I see that the old
people are not against the young people; I see that you all agree in
aiming at this admirable ideal, the substitution of arbitration and
justice for the horrors of war. When I return to Europe I shall find
skeptics laughing as they always do when one speaks of a new
idea, but I shall not mind! I will tell them: 'You may laugh, you old
people, but you do not live in America. They act their belief and
you will be obliged to follow them.'"

[1 Baron d'Estournelles had on the previous day addressed a great
audience of school children in Carnegie Hall.]

There was great applause, and Dr. Hale, deeply moved, arose and
bowed to d'Estournelles.

The Baron then went on with his address and, as he neared the
close turned and faced Mr. Carnegie. Mr. Carnegie had no idea of
what was coming--neither had anyone else--but it proved one of
the greatest moments of his life. It also elicited from him one of
his noblest utterances, an utterance which was a spontaneous
revelation of his heart. Sometimes I think it is the most
self-revealing word he ever uttered in public.

Looking straight at Mr. Carnegie, the Baron said: "And now the
Court of The Hague exists, and we can be pretty sure that in a few
years we will see the Hague Court established as your great
Supreme Court of the United States is, and that Court, which has
been for three or four years quite empty, will be so full of cases
that it will almost require two courts instead of one. This is due to
your initiative, and this has been the example given to the
governments of the world. The governments are not ungrateful.
They understand now what has been done, and in France especially
they appreciate it. They have not forgotten the principles of the
French Revolution. Our great Revolution considered that it is not
enough for a man to be a good citizen of his own country, he must
try to be a good citizen of all the world. And because we found in
France that the act of Mr. Andrew Carnegie was a faithful
application of our most beloved and respected principle, the
government of France, the Republic, wanted to send a public
testimonial of its esteem and gratitude to the man who has
furnished such a good example and built the Palace of Peace.

"Mr. Carnegie, let me say, my dear friend, that I am very happy to
be the bearer of the good news. You are now to be in the rank of a
Commander of the Legion of Honor. Let me, my dear friend,
attach to you this ribbon (the Baron here placed the order about the
neck of Mr. Carnegie), let me consider now that you are an
American, as well as an Englishman, an Englishman as well as a
Frenchman, a citizen of the world. You have done a great work
and we thank you." (At this point there was great applause, the
audience rising en masse.)

Mr. Carnegie replied as follows:

"My friends; Baron d'Estournelles de Constant: This honor is as
surprising as it is overwhelming. None knows better than I that it is
not deserved. No, it is not deserved for anything that I have done,
but if a heart that keeps on enlarging as I grow older, embracing
more and more of the world and the people of the world, if that
merits the cross of the Legion of Honor, I believe that I do deserve
it. For I do find with every successive year of my life that I take
higher and higher views, that I think more and more of humanity,
that I have brighter and brighter visions of its future.

"That this honor comes from France makes it doubly acceptable. I
remember what France was to this Republic when she needed a
friend. I remember what the French people are capable of
sacrificing for an ideal. I know what France has done for the world
of art. And I know what the Legion of Honor means. It embraces
the men of distinction in every field of human endeavor. The great
man of France to-day has been selected by a vote of several
millions of her people recently. The soldier? No. Napoleon himself
was seventh on the list. Pasteur, the hero of civilization, as
Napoleon is the hero of barbarism, was first, followed by two
scientists and then by two authors; and Napoleon who was like
some huge Colossus, is seventh already in the estimation of that
intelligent people, the French, and with every successive vote
destined to fall lower and lower in the list until his name be
remembered no more except as a monster who killed his
fellowman for his own glory. I love France for her idealism; I love
her because she was a friend of my native land, for Scotland and
France were ever good friends. None knows so well as I that I do
not deserve this honor, but it is so great an honor it doesn't exalt; it
humbles, when I compare it with the small service that I have
rendered. But it does this also; it furnishes another bond binding
me still more strictly so to live my life that France, who bestowed
it upon me, shall never have cause to regret that she was generous
enough to embrace me in that circle of men who have won her
august approval."

IV

MR. CARNEGIE AND THE FOREIGN STUDENTS

MR. CARNEGIE had a heart which embraced all peoples and all
classes and conditions. He was at home in any country and with
the citizens of every nation. While a true patriot, loving 'his
adopted country, yet he belonged to humanity. He was always
happy when he could gather about him a group of men from every
land, or a group of men from every class, that they might all feel
their kinship. He used to say continually that one of the great
factors in international reconciliation was acquaintance. I shall
have occasion to show in a future chapter how, when he gave one
of his endowments he expressed the hope that the first things done
with the income might be to bring together certain groups from the
various nations that they might learn to know each other.

He once said to me: "There are occasions where familiarity breeds
contempt, I suppose, but I find that generally it breeds respect. The
more I meet men from other lands, the more I appreciate their fine
qualities."

Another time he said: "The things that divide nations are surface
differences: color, language, habits, customs, shape of head,
manners. When one gets to know these people he finds there is
oneness in all the big things, the things that count--we suffer from
the same causes, we are one in the things of the heart. We are
made happy by the same things, miserable by the same things.
There is no difference in mother-love between a Chinese woman
and an American woman. What we want to do is to get together
and discover how we are one in the real things, and emphasize this
sameness rather than the surface differences."

He told me a very funny story in connection with this, a story that
has a world of meaning in it, a universal truth, and one that I have
used a hundred times in speaking on this subject of the oneness of
humanity. I do not know where Mr. Carnegie first heard it. He
said: "The circus visited the village and there was an Irishman, Pat,
who was very anxious to go. But he did not have the necessary
fifty cents. Early in the morning he turned up at the grounds and
offered to do any kind of work--help pitch the tent, feed the
animals, anything if they would only let him in. The manager said,
'I'm sorry, Pat, but we've got all the help we need. But I'll tell you:
the lion died last night, and what's a circus without a lion? We've
kept his pelt, and if you'll get into it and simply crawl into the cage
and lie down over in the corner a couple of hours--asleep you
know--I'll give you two dollars.' Pat thought it was a very easy way
of earning two dollars and accepted. They got him into the pelt and
led him out to the cage. The manager opened the door and was
pushing Pat in when suddenly Pat saw a great Bengal tiger
glowering at him from the further end of the cage. He leaped back
with an agility he had not shown for years. The proprietor gave
him another shove. 'I'll not go into the cage with yonder beast,' he
shouted. Whereupon the great tiger rather drowsily lifted its head
up and said 'Come right in, Pat. I'm an Irishman, too.'"

"You see," Mr. Carnegie used to add, "We're all Irishmen when
you get down beneath the different colored pelts."

It was my good fortune to have a part in three or four memorable
functions where this universality of Mr. Carnegie was manifested
in the most striking manner. We have in New York City a large
group of foreign students. They come from every country of the
world; but the Chinese and Japanese students outnumber all the
others. The Young Men's Christian Association saw a remarkable
opportunity not only to help these men in their own personal lives,
and not only to bring them into contact with American friends, but
also to further mutual acquaintance and good-will among the
nations they represented. For these boys would all be leaders when
they went home--many of them would at once be called to offices
in the state. Consequently they brought these students together into
the Cosmopolitan Club, under the able leadership of Harry E.
Edmonds, Secretary of the Intercollegiate Branch of the Y. M. C.
A. This Club holds a weekly supper at Earl Hall, Columbia
University, at which some well known man is invited to speak on
some phase of American life, culture, or humanitarian work, also
to show the various ways in which religion is being brought to bear
on the social structure. One thing we who are on the Advisory
Committee of this Club have always wanted to do was to let these
foreign students get in touch with American homes. We have
divided them up into groups and got them invited into many
families where they could see our home life at its best. One day I
suggested to Mr. and Mrs. Carnegie that they invite the whole Club
to their home for an evening, that the students might, of course,
see the home, but especially that they might meet Mr. and Mrs.
Carnegie and a few prominent Americans they might invite. They
saw, as they were always quick to do, an opportunity to do a
beautiful thing and the boys were invited. So also were a few
Americans. I recall Mr. Marks, Mr. Holt, Mr. Maxwell, Professor
Kirchwey, Professor Dutton, Mr. Bertram, President Finley, Dr.
Liepziger, and Dr. Pritchett among others.

The boys, with a few girls--for girls are also included in the
Club--turned up two hundred strong. Fully two thirds of them were
Chinese and Japanese students. Mr. Carnegie was as happy as he
could be. I do not think he had quite realized what was coming, for
as they poured into the house, group after group, he came over to
me and said, with wonder in his face: "Do you mean to say that all
these Chinese and Japanese boys are here studying in our
universities?"

"Yes," I said, "and hundreds more. And," I added, "the interesting
thing is that these Chinese boys are here on the indemnity money
the United States returned to China at the time of the Boxer
Rebellion."

"It is wonderful," he said, "and what a splendid lot of fellows they
are. These Chinese boys are a revelation. I have seen several
Japanese students but not so many of these Chinese students."

I told him that many of them came from the very finest families of
China and most of them had had university training before coming
to America and were picked from among hundreds to take
advanced courses in America.

Mr. Carnegie was evidently very much impressed. When the
students had all arrived, we went into the drawing rooms and I
presented them, as a body, to Mr. and Mrs. Carnegie and our other
American friends and asked Mr. Edmonds to say a word about the
work of the Club. Mr. Carnegie told me afterwards that he could
not conceive of any finer work being done in New York City. Mr.
Edmonds asked Mr. Aghnides, a Turkish student, and President of
the Club, to say a word for the students. Mr. Aghnides thanked Mr.
and Mrs. Carnegie, in a few gracious words, for their kindness in
inviting them, causing a little ripple of laughter by saying, "You
are better known in Turkey than the President of the United
States."

I wish I had arranged for a stenographic report of Mr. Carnegie's
words to the students. I can recall, in substance, some of the things
he said. He made a remarkable impression upon them, as some of
them afterwards told me.

He said: "It seems as if all the world had been brought together in
my house this evening, for there is hardly a country that is not
represented here. And this is what should happen more and more.
The oftener all the world can be brought together the sooner the
peace of the world will come. That is the wonderful thing about
the Second Hague Conference. All the world was there. Every one
of the countries from which you have come had its delegate there.
I built the Peace Palace at The Hague with this thought in mind
that it might be an assembly place for all the world. I hope
sometime to see a World Court there and a World Parliament--who
knows that some of you will not be the first delegates to that
Parliament--and, as I told the students at St. Andrews, all the
peace-loving, respectable nations must some time band themselves
together to establish law and order in the world. . . . I feel very
much honored by the presence of these boys and girls from the
Eastern nations. How much we owe to your wonderful
civilizations. One of the men whose words I read over and over is
Confucius, one of the two or three great teachers of the world.
Again and again I marvel as I read, how he has anticipated so
many of the teachings of our own Christian religion. It shows how
God does not leave Himself without a witness in every land. When
I have seen, as I have, great throngs in your lands prostrate in
worship I have said that true worship reaches the one and the same
God, no matter under what name He may be addressed. . . . One
hears so much about what your countries have to learn from us: I
want also to think of how much we have to learn from you. I am
glad to learn that several American students are also in your Club.
I hope many of them will join and meet often with you so that they
may learn of you as well as you learn of them. . . . I hope you will
see the real America while you are here. You are seeing it in the
universities where you are studying. You are seeing it in the homes
you are visiting, for Dr. Lynch tells me many homes have been
opened to you. That is splendid. Your instructors should arrange to
have you visit our libraries, hospitals, charitable organizations,
settlements, and technical schools. There is the real America. . . .
You will be told that the ideal of America is money, that
materialism rules here. This is false. Service is the characteristic of
the real American. You see these friends of mine here who have
been invited in to meet you. They are all very great men. They
could all of them have been millionaires had they chosen to enter
business. They could have had salaries of fifty thousand dollars a
year had they chosen. They are all of them working on a very
moderate salary because they prefer service to money. I have hosts
of friends in Great Britain and America and most of them belong
to this class. This is the America I want you to carry home to your
countries.

Well, aren't we having a good time tonight? I don't know when I
have been so happy. There is not any reason in the world why your
countries and mine shouldn't live together just as happily as we are
living together in this room. We're all one family to-night. Well,
that's what the different countries have got to learn--that they're all
one family. I've been telling them that all my life--but I'm getting
old and you are young--you must bring it to pass. Come now, and I
will show you my treasures..."

Off Mr. Carnegie started with the whole crowd behind him, and
carried them all over the house, showing them pictures of libraries
and of his friends, medals and great gold and silver keys given
with the freedom of various cities; rare books; rarer autograph
letters and pictures of kings and emperors and great writers and
statesmen--everything that he thought would interest these boys.
And he talked all the time. I told him afterwards that he reminded
us of a Cook's Tourist guide taking a party through The Louvre.
Once I caught his voice from the distance--I was not with the
group in the library--repeating poetry to them--and he could repeat
a lot of it when he chose--and I recognized that poem of his dear
friend, Richard Watson Gilder, on the heroes of peace which he
had written and sent to Mr. Carnegie and which Mr. Carnegie was
always repeating to his friends. Then he marched all the boys
down the great hall, past the organ where he stopped for a moment
to expatiate on music--and how he understood the ministry of
music--into the art gallery to a good supper wherewith to round off
the night. Those who saw Mr. Carnegie that night saw him at his
best.

Speaking of Mr. Gilder's poem, Mr. Carnegie had a habit of
writing a Christmas or New Years letter to his friends, and having
it handsomely printed and sent as his Christmas gift to them.
Sometimes he would print some poem or quotation that had made
a great impression upon him. On Christmas morning, 1909, his
friends received a beautifully printed copy of this poem of Mr.
Gilder's, "In the Time of Peace", with Mr. Gilder's inscription on it:
"For Andrew Carnegie: The great peace fiend--I mean angel. R. W.
G."

Mr. Carnegie had written at the foot of the poem: "Sent me by my
dear friend Watson Gilder--one of the purest, sweetest white souls
who ever breathed--'He is gone, and oh, the difference to me.'"
This was signed in Mr. Carnegie's own hand, as these printed
Christmas messages always were.

This poem of Mr. Gilder's played so important a role in Mr.
Carnegie's life that I think it ought to be copied here. For he once
said to me: "The whole idea of my Hero Fund is in that poem. I
conceived the Fund before Mr. Gilder wrote this poem; but we
often talked it over together and he has put it all in those eight
wonderful stanzas." The poem is as follows:



'Twas said: "When roll of drum and battles' roar 

Shall cease upon the earth, O, then no more



The deed--the race--of heroes in the land."

But scarce that word was breathed when one small hand



Lifted victorious o'er a giant wrong

That had its victims crushed through ages long;



Some woman set her pale and quivering face

Firm as a rock against a man's disgrace;



A little child suffered in silence lest

His savage pain should wound a mother's breast;



Some quiet scholar flung his gauntlet down

And risked in truth's great name the synod's frown;



A civic hero, in the calm realm of laws,

Did that which suddenly drew a world's applause;



And one to the post his lithe young body gave 

That he a thousand lives might save.



V

THE MAN OF UNIVERSAL SYMPATHIES

I HAVE told the story of Mr. Carnegie and the foreign students. I
recall other occasions where his delight in meeting all kinds of
men was manifested. One night I received an invitation to come to
the house to meet some of the representatives of Capital and
Labor. If I remember rightly the Civic Federation was holding its
annual meeting and many leaders of the labor groups and trades
unions were in the city, as well as many of the big employers who
were interested in the solution of the industrial problem. When I
arrived at the house I found one of the most interesting groups I
have ever seen assembled. There were thirty or forty of the heads
of great steel plants, coal mines, railroads, factories and other
industries. They were in dress suits, well-groomed, and perfectly at
ease of course. With them were forty or fifty labor leaders,
presidents and secretaries of trades unions of every sort. One or
two of these were in dress suits, most of them were not. They were
somewhat uncomfortable and ill at ease at first, too. They were not
used to great houses, nor to meeting the heads of great industries
socially, and it was quite evident, with the exception of two or
three, they were anxious for the supper bell to ring, so to speak.
Mr. Carnegie saw this at once and he was perfectly delightful. He
moved around among these men chatting with one and another and
introduced employers and labor leaders to each other and made
them talk. He then got the whole group out into the big hall and
made a delightful address of welcome to them, dwelling upon the
fact that they would be much better fitted to settle labor disputes if
they all knew one another personally, and then he called upon two
of the capitalists to speak and two of the labor men. He then made
them all join hands as they happened to be standing and sing "Auld
Lang Syne" together. Then we all adjourned to the supper room
and by that time everyone was feeling very much at ease.

Mr. Carnegie was a firm believer in the trades union movement.
He had come up out of the ranks of the toilers and understood
them. He had contempt for idlers, whether they were rich or poor,
and he had admiration for all hard workers whether they worked
with hand or brain. He once said to me: "If I had been in the
country at the time of the Homestead strikes those regrettable
incidents connected with them would never have happened: I even
doubt if there would have been any strikes."

One of the most interesting gatherings I ever attended at Mr.
Carnegie's home was a luncheon which he gave for Count
Apponyi. Count Apponyi had long been known in America as an
exponent of liberal ideals in Hungary. He had stepped down out of
his hereditary seat in the House of Lords and stood for election in
Parliament at the request of the people. He was returned year after
year and became the apostle of liberalism in Hungary. When the
Interparliamentary Union was formed he was one of the first to
become interested in it. The Interparliamentary Union was the
outgrowth of efforts on the part of such men as Sir William
Randall Cremer of England, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant of
France and the Hon. Samuel J. Barrows and the Hon. Richard
Bartholdt of America to bring members of the several national
parliaments together to discuss the various questions raised at the
Hague Conferences, the execution of arbitration treaties between
the nations, the reduction of armaments, and the creation of some
form of a permanent World Congress and World Court. Mr.
Carnegie was intensely interested in this great step forward and
offered his encouragement to Mr. Cremer at the beginning. He had
a great admiration for Mr. Cremer, a carpenter who had come to
be one of the most powerful, although quiet, influences in the
British Parliament, and had even achieved knighthood. (Mr.
Carnegie said one day: "If any man ever deserved knighthood he
did. There never was a more outstanding instance of a man getting
an idea into his head early in life and then devoting every single
minute of his life to bringing it to pass. Some friends told me that
Cremer, when he first started to bring the legislators together into
the Interparliamentary Union, would wait for three hours in some
great statesman's outside office to catch him and get the scheme
before him. They are the fellows who do things, though.")

As I was saying, Count Apponyi was one of the first
parliamentarians to see the significance of this new movement.
(The movement did catch the imagination of the world and held
some very successful meetings in different cities from year to year.
It is greatly to be hoped that after the tumult of making peace has
somewhat subsided it may be reconvened. It could become a most
valuable appendage of the League of Nations.) Count Apponyi saw
its great possibilities and contributed an article "The International
Parliament" to The Independent of August 24, 1910, which
attracted wide attention. The address which he made at Mr.
Carnegie's luncheon was the substance of this article. There were
about forty at the table, if I remember rightly, and every one of
them a man distinguished in some way and a leader in public
affairs.

Mr. Carnegie in introducing Count Apponyi referred to the
distinguished service he had rendered the people of his home land
in securing for them larger liberties and rights. "And now he is
extending that service to a larger sphere. He is helping to free all
humanity from tyrannies and oppressions. He has seen that we
cannot have free states except in a free world. He has also seen
that the good of each is the good of all. We are all bound up
together, we shall eventually all rise or fall together."

Count Apponyi then made one of the most eloquent addresses I
ever heard. His command of English was wonderful and he spoke
it--and French also--as fluently as his own tongue. What he said
was, as I said above, in substance the same as the article
contributed to The Independent of New York. He referred to the
wonderful moral influence America had exerted upon the whole
world by the force of its liberal and democratic institutions. He
referred to Mr. Roosevelt's statement, that there was no power so
strong as to make America afraid of it and no nation so weak as to
have any reason to fear her, as the program of a great democracy.
"Democracy can have but one sort of foreign policy: Boldly to
uphold the banner of international justice and fraternity"; she may
rightly make ready for self-defense so long as there are predatory
nations in the world, "but the spirit of aggression is in
contradiction with her very nature, while the love of peace and
justice are essential ingredients of her mental complexion." He
ended by referring to Mr. Carnegie's introductory remarks, how
true they were: "Experience has taught us what a safeguard our
neighbors' liberty is to our own and how the highest interests of
each nation are dependent on the security of all. Even apart from
the mere ideal feelings of universal brotherhood, towards which
our souls naturally incline, national egoism is enlightened enough
among us to seek for guarantees of its own welfare in the concord
and solidarity of mankind."

Mr. Carnegie was always inviting his friends to his home to share
some unique experience or to enjoy with him some unusual
pleasure. One of the subjects which the Carnegie Institution of
Washington early became interested in was that of Terrestrial
Magnetism. The non-magnetic ship "Carnegie" was built--there
was practically no metal used in the ship's construction--and sent
into the Arctic Ocean to further that magnetic survey of the globe
the Institution was carrying forward. The ship carried a splendid
moving picture camera and some wonderful films were made.
Upon the return of the ship Mr. Carnegie invited a group of his
friends to his home to see these pictures and hear the lecture of
one of the scientists who had been on the voyage. The picture of
the polar bears swimming among the swaying ice-floes was one of
the most life-like things imaginable, and beautiful beyond words.
In the course of the picture a cub was captured and hoisted on to
the deck of the ship. The frantic efforts of the poor mother bear to
scale the side of the pitching ship from the water aroused
everyone's pity and when the sailors threw the cub back into the
ocean and the old mother bear swam off as fast as she could go
with the baby bear hanging, with its mouth, fast to her stubby tail,
everybody broke into applause.

After it was all over I said to Mr. Carnegie "Weren't you glad the
old lady got her cub again?"

He looked at me, with his eyes shining and said: "Do you know I
got so excited while that poor mother was trying to scale the side
of that ship that I almost jumped up to run and throw the cub into
the water." Then he added: "I was thinking after they threw the cub
back: 'There is the difference between the hunter and the scientist.
The hunter would have kept the cub and shot the mother; the
scientist gives back the cub and photographs the mother.' The
hunter of the future will hunt with cameras instead of guns."

One winter another eminent visitor from Hungary happened to be
in America, Monsignor Giesswein, a well-known internationalist,
and he wished very much to meet Mr. Carnegie. I took him up to
the house one afternoon and we found Mr. Carnegie out in the
garden taking the air. Together we walked back and forth and
talked on many things. I think it was the first time that Mr.
Carnegie had come into very close contact with an eminent
continental representative of the Roman Catholic Church, and that
he did not know just what was going to happen. When, however,
Monsignor Giesswein said, "Mr. Carnegie, I have always wanted
to meet you because of what you have done for the cause of
international peace", he found himself on common ground with
him at once.

I then told Mr. Carnegie that Monsignor Giesswein was one of the
leaders in the new international movement in Europe and that I
had first met him at The International Peace Conference at
Geneva. Mr. Carnegie at once began on a topic to which, a few
years later, he gave much thought, ending in some very practical
action, namely, the part the Church might play in establishing
lasting peace among the nations.

He said: "I look to the Churches to be the leaders in this movement
to remove from the world the last remnant of barbarism, man
killing man in the settlement of international disputes. It
contradicts every word of the teaching of the Prince of Peace and
is absolutely foreign to the spirit of His life. He taught that all men
were brothers and the chief thing they have been engaged in ever
since is killing each other. Sometimes it looks as though they
enjoyed killing each other more than they did being brothers."

The Monsignor said: "Yes, sometimes it did look that way. But I
think you will be interested in knowing, Mr. Carnegie, that a
change is coming over the Churches, the Catholic Church as well
as the Protestant, in their attitude toward the great problems of
society. The Churches are beginning to see that they have an
obligation toward society as a whole, toward the nation, as well as
toward the individual. There are a good many men in the Catholic
Church in Europe who are beginning to feel that the Church
should address itself to the task of ridding the world of war. I
wonder if you know how interested the Pope is in this matter, and
have you seen his recent letter on this subject?"

"Yes," said Mr. Carnegie. "It is a great letter and I hope it will be
circulated by the million. The Protestant Churches of England and
America are waking up. If all the Churches of all the world would
get together and say: 'There shall be no more war,' that would end
it. But the trouble is that Christians put their country before their
religion. No matter what iniquitous course a nation may adopt
Christians will follow and the Church will bless it."

The conversation ran on and again I think that Mr. Carnegie was a
little surprised to find Monsignor Giesswein more radical than he
was on this question. I recall how the conversation drifted over on
to the question of Christian Unity. Here was another subject on
which Mr. Carnegie always waxed eloquent when it was broached.

I remember his saying with great emphasis: "If Christians were all
one, in one Church, of one mind, and all the power now used in
rivalry with each other unitedly directed against the evils of the
world, intemperance, war, poverty, ignorance, superstition, and
disease--they could all soon be banished."

Monsignor Giesswein and I both of us agreed with him absolutely
but we said that we thought he probably had an exaggerated idea
regarding the rivalry existing among the denominations. They were
simply each one doing their own work along their own lines. They
could do it more effectively could they get together--but they really
were not disputing among themselves very much in these days or
spreading their peculiarly denominational tenets. (I had a good
many talks with Mr. Carnegie on this subject and will come back
to it later.)

Mr. Carnegie and the Monsignor, who is a very lovable man,
enjoyed each other very much and Mr. Carnegie invited him to
come and stay with him any time.

Some years afterwards, after the great conflict had begun, I
remember Mr. Carnegie saying one day: "I wonder what has
happened to all my old friends in Germany and Hungary. What a
strange thing it is when you think of it. Yesterday we were all
talking of what we could do together to establish permanent peace
and now here are Germany and Austria fighting all Europe. Take
Apponyi and that nice prelate you brought to see me, Monsignor
Giesswein, I suppose they probably hated this whole business as
much as we do, but they are swept into the current. They are at war
against some of their best friends, too, for there are many men in
these various countries who had closer ties with men of like minds
in other countries than in their own. That is one of the most
pathetic things about war in the present day--the world has become
so much one family and there are so many international groups and
societies that, when a war comes and we have to re-group
ourselves again by nations, it sets friend over against friend. Take
yourself, for instance, if we went to war with England, you would
be arrayed against Allen Baker and a lot of men who are just as
close to you in every way as any American. War is an anachronism
in a world that has become so much one family."

One day I took Norman Angell up to see Mr. Carnegie. Mr.
Carnegie had been quite anxious to meet him. Mr. Angell's book,
"The Great Illusion," had made more impression than any other
book dealing with war and peace in recent years. Mr. Carnegie was
never quite sure--at least when I talked with him about it--that the
cost of war had any deterrent effect upon a nation. Nations
generally did not go to war to make money nor, when they did go
to war, did they ever think about cost. He thought Mr. Angell's
contention that even the victorious nation did not really profit by a
war absolutely true, but he was not sure the knowledge of this,
even if the nation believed it, had any deterrent power.

He said to me the next morning after Mr. Angell had been there:
"He is an interesting man and I am real glad to have met him. It is
wonderful how he has set the world thinking on this whole subject.
It is a good thing to teach that war does not pay. Let him and his
school hammer away at it. But we who believe that war is a
survival of the beast in man and is a crime which is as foul a blot
on civilization as was slavery, must work all the harder to lift
mankind up on to a higher plane and above all to show him the
Christian methods of settling international disputes. The real
reason nations enter upon war is because certain groups within the
nation are not beyond the Pagan plane of development in this one
regard: like those who want to fight Mexico and Japan, like those
senators who oppose arbitration. When they become really
Christian they won't want to kill their brothers over anything."
Then turning to me he fairly shouted at me, "I'm a good deal better
Christian than some of these ministers who shout war when a
dispute arises between us and another country."

I might say here that, while I shared Mr. Carnegie's feelings
somewhat about the deterrent effect upon nations of Mr. Angell's
argument in "The Great Illusion," I think Mr. Carnegie, were he
here, would agree with me that the war has proven the absolute
truth of everything Mr. Angell said. It has not paid Germany and
would not have done so had she been victorious. It has not paid the
nations that were victorious, forced into it against their own will as
they were. The whole world is infinitely worse off and every
nation that participated in it is. If Germany had compelled the
Allies to seek the armistice instead of the Allies compelling
Germany, and if the Treaty had been framed in her favor, we
should still have had an impoverished world full of revolution,
hatreds, jealousies, high prices, anarchy, strikes and general unrest,
as we have now. Mr. Angell really contends, to sum up his whole
argument, that aggressive war is suicide. All but the blind see its
truth now. If Mr. Carnegie were here I think he would feel it a
good time to press this view home upon the nations.

VI

THE PAN-AMERICAN

MR. CARNEGIE was always looking forward to a united western
hemisphere. I do not mean that he wanted to see all the Americas
under one flag. He never did cherish that ideal. But he did believe
that they were all bound together by common interests and he was
always looking forward to a time when they should have some
form of organization and he was always doing everything he could
to promote mutual acquaintance and understanding between the
United States and Mexico, Central and South America. He favored
the railroad which was to go the whole length of the two
continents more from a feeling that it would be a bond of union
than from any financial interest. When in December, 1907,
delegates from the five Central American Republics--Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador--met in
Washington and concluded nine treaties and conventions looking
toward the arbitration of all disputes and providing for the
establishment of a Central American Court of Justice, Mr.
Carnegie was so pleased that he immediately built them a beautiful
court house at Cartego. (This first building was destroyed by the
earthquake and Mr. Carnegie immediately built an even more
beautiful structure at San Jose, Costa Rica.)

When, in 1889, while the Honorable James G. Blaine was
Secretary of State, an International American Conference was held
in Washington, Mr. Carnegie could hardly contain himself, so
pleased was he with this step. "It's the beginning of a new era for
America," he kept saying over and over. Out of this remarkable
Congress the Pan-American Union was born, the assembly voting
to establish "a voluntary organization of the twenty-one American
Republics, including the United States, maintained by their annual
contributions, controlled by a governing board composed of the
diplomatic representatives in Washington, of the other twenty
governments, and the Secretary of State of the United States, who
is Chairman ex-officio, and devoted to the development and
conservation of peace, friendship and commerce between them
all."

The new union was a success from the beginning and by 1906,
when Mr. Root; was Secretary of State, its permanency, as well as
its usefulness, was so assured that Mr. Root wrote Mr. Carnegie
asking him if he would not like to provide a permanent home for
the Union. Mr. Carnegie's letter is so characteristic and so full of
the joy he took in giving that I quote it here in full:

New York, January 1, 1907.

Hon. Elihu Root,



Secretary of State and ex-Officio Chairman of the Governing
Board of the Bureau of South American Republics, Washington,
D. C.

Dear Sir:

I am pleased that you and your colleagues of the South American
Republics have done me the honor to suggest that I might furnish a
suitable home in Washington for the Bureau of American
Republics.

The approval of your application by the Governing Board of the
International Bureau, and President Roosevelt's hearty expressions
of satisfaction, are most gratifying.

You very kindly mention my membership of the first
Pan-American Conference and advocacy of the Pan-American
Railway, the gaps of which are being slowly filled. The importance
of this enterprise impresses itself more and more upon me, and I
hope to see it accomplished.

I am happy, therefore, in stating that it will be one of the pleasures
of my life to furnish to the Union of all the Republics of this
hemisphere, the necessary funds ($750,000) from time to time as
may be needed for the construction of an international home in
Washington.

The cooperation of our own Republic is seen in the appropriation
of funds by Congress for the purchase of the site, and in the
agreement between the Republics for the maintenance of the
Bureau we have additional evidence of cooperation, so that the
forthcoming American Temple of Peace will be the joint work of
all of the Republics. Every generation should see them drawing
closer together.

It is a cheering thought that all these are for the first time to be
represented at the forthcoming league Conference. Henceforth
they are members of that body, whose aim is the settlement of
international disputes by that "High Court of Nations" or other
similar tribunal.

I beg to express to each and all of them my heartfelt thanks for
being permitted to make such a New Year's gift as this. I have
never felt more keenly than I do this New Year's morning how
much more blessed it is to give than to receive, and I consider
myself highly honored by being considered worthy to provide the
forthcoming union home, where the accredited representatives of
all the Republics are to meet and, I trust, to bind together their
respective nations in the bonds of unbroken peace.

Very truly yours,

ANDREW CARNEGIE.

The beautiful building was ready for dedication in 1910 and finally
April 26th was set upon as the date. I happened to be in Mr.
Carnegie's library about a week before this date and he was
looking forward to the event as a child looks forward to its first
visit to the city. He kept returning to it, no matter on what subject
we might be talking. Finally he said: "You're going down, of
course?"

"I want to go very much," I answered.

"Of course you must go--you and Holt, too. You go get him and
come along."

Mr. Holt and I went and we all had a very happy day in
Washington, Mr. Carnegie one of the happiest he ever had. It was
when he saw this exquisitely beautiful white marble palace there
before him that he made a remark which was quoted all over the
world, but which was a perfect revelation of that childlikeness in
him which was one of the chief charms of his personality. Looking
at the building he exclaimed:

"I simply touch my pen to a piece of paper and this palace rises out
of the ground."

He was the Modern Aladdin.

April twenty-sixth was a beautiful day and a great crowd gathered
for the ceremonies. The formal dedication was held in the Hall of
the Republics on the second floor of the Palace. The invited
guests, including the Diplomatic Corps of all the Republics, the
Supreme Court, members of the Cabinet, members of Congress
and a few other invited guests, filled the Hall, while on the
platform were the President of the United States (Mr. Taft),
Senator Root, Secretary of State Knox, Senor Don Francisco Leon
de la Barra, Cardinal Gibbons, Hon. John Barrett, Bishop Harding,
and Mr. Kelsey, the architect. Mr. Holt and I had seats in the front
row right under the speakers' desk and felt that we were highly
favored.

The invocation was made by Cardinal Gibbons. Secretary Knox
then called upon the Director of the Pan-American Union, who
gave the history of the Union and of the building. Mr. Kelsey, the
architect, then interpreted the building to the group. The three
main addresses then followed, one by Mr. Root, one by Mr. de la
Barra, speaking for the Latin Americans, one by the President. It
was on this occasion Mr. Taft used the expression which Mr.
Carnegie was always quoting in his future addresses and applying
it to the world. He said:

"We twenty-one republics can not afford to have any two or any
three of us quarrel. We must stop. And Mr. Carnegie and I will not
be satisfied until all nineteen of us can intervene by proper
measures to suppress a quarrel between any other two."

Again and again in the years since then Mr. Carnegie would come
back to this, adding: "Only we must apply it to the world. All the
nations of the world are as much one now as are the American
republics. The moment any nation anywhere starts to go to war
against another, the other nations should have the right to say 'You
must stop.'"

There was great applause when Mr. Carnegie was introduced. He
rose to the occasion as he always did. He paid feeling tribute to all
who had been associated with him in the fostering of the Bureau of
South American Republics, who had brought the Pan-American
Union to its present success, and spoke especially of Senor
Nabuco, Brazil's great Ambassador, who had only recently passed
away.

He then complimented the Latin American nations on the great
progress they had made, and pleased them greatly with his words.
The main part of his address was devoted to the thought to which
he was continually recurring in his public address, that
acquaintanceship breeds friendship rather than dislike, and that it
was contrary to the laws of human nature for a man to be fit judge
of his own cause. Let me quote from the middle of his address, not
only because of what is in it, but because it was carefully listened
to by such an audience as very few men ever had opportunity of
addressing:

"Mr. Chairman, fully am I persuaded that the rulers and statesmen
of the earth, all of whom are to-day constantly proclaiming their
earnest desire for peace, are sincere in their protestations. Why,
then, is this universally desired peace not promptly secured?
Equally am I persuaded that the true root of the failure lies in the
fact that these rulers and statesmen know not each other well.
They are strangers, and therefore naturally and mutually
suspicious. When a difference arises, they meet as strangers,
knowing not the sincerity, the truthfulness, the keen sense of
honor, and the earnest desire for peace of their fellow-statesmen.
The French have a proverb--'We only hate those we do not know.'
The reverse is also self-evidently true--'We only love those we do
know.'

"Two men differ; if strangers, the probable result is strife. Two
friends differ; the probable result is peaceful settlement either by
themselves, or, failing that, by arbitration of friends, and the two
friends become dearer to each other than before. Why? Because
neither has assumed to sit as judge in his own cause, which
violates the first principles of natural justice. The greatest crime
that either man or nation can commit is to insist upon doing that
which would consign the judge upon the bench to infamy if he
ever dared to sit in judgment upon a cause in which he was an
interested party. In nations which still tolerate the duel, its practice
is rapidly falling into disrepute, and a court of honor is coming
into general use, first to determine whether the two foes are
justified in breaking the peace.

"One of the chief missions of this palace should be, as their natural
home, to draw together the diplomats and representative men of all
our Republics and enable them to know each other and learn of the
sterling virtues of their colleagues, and especially their earnest
desire for the prosperity of all their neighbors and their anxious
hope that peace shall ever reign between them. Thus these
statesmen will become lifelong friends to whom may safely be
intrusted the settlement of any international difference that may
arise. Above all, we may expect that between such friends no one
would insist upon sitting as judge upon his own cause were the
other to propose leaving the difference to a mutual friend. This,
then, is one of the greatest missions of this international meeting
ground in which we are assembled. Nor will its mission be
fulfilled until every Republic, and, I fondly hope, Canada also
included, shall have agreed to lay aside the sword."

At the close of these formal exercises we all went down into the
court, or "patio," as it is called in Latin America. The space was
filled with tropical plants and in warm weather the great glass roof
slides back by electricity so that it is an open garden. In this patio
Mr. Taft and Mr. Carnegie together planted a "peace tree." (I have
the photograph taken at the time. Mr. Taft is holding the shovel,
and Mr. Carnegie stands beside him, his face all benevolence and
smiles.) In the evening the Governing Board of the Bureau gave a
reception, to the President of the United States and Mr. and Mrs.
Carnegie. About fifteen hundred people shook hands with them,
after which supper was served downstairs. Just before we went
away I went up to Mr. Carnegie to say goodnight to him. I said,
"How beautiful it all is--and how happy you have been to-day."

"Yes, it's like a dream," he answered and then, with that delightful
little glint of fun that occasionally came into his eyes, he said:
"You know how much I have written about rich men being sad?
Well, to-night I'm rather glad I'm rich."

VII

LOVER OF POETRY AND MUSIC

ONE day we were sitting in the big library which faces Fifth
Avenue and from which one looks across to Central Park, talking
about poetry. Suddenly he said, "I will read you a real poem,"
whereupon he went off into his little den which is on the south end
of the library, and returned with a piece of cardboard in his
hand--and I have that cardboard before me as I write, with Mr.
Carnegie's autograph on it.

"Here's one of the best poems I've seen in a long time," he said.
"It's really worthy of Burns. It appeared in the Dunfermline Press
and was signed simply by the initials 'R. C.' I havn't any idea who
the man is; but as soon as I read the poem I sat down and wrote a
letter to the Dunfermline Press and I've since printed the poem and
my letter together on this card. Let me read it to you."

It was a perfect delight to hear Mr. Carnegie recite poetry,
especially Scotch verse. He had the Celtic temperament and
dramatic instinct to the full. He once told me that Henry Irving
said to him at Skibo after hearing him recite some verses--very
likely these very verses, for he loved to recite them: "You would
have made a greater actor than me had you gone on the stage, Mr.
Carnegie."

Well, Mr. Carnegie straightened himself up, standing in front of
the fireplace, and with tears glistening in his eyes recited the
following verses. I think my readers will all agree with Mr.
Carnegie, as I did, that they are real poetry:

ME AND ANDRA



We're puir bit craiturs, Andra, you an' me,

Ye hae a bath in a marble tub, I dook in the sea. 

Cafe au lait in a silver joog for breakfast gangs to you;

I sup my brose wi' a horn spuin an' eat till I'm fu'.



   An' there's nae great differ, Andra, hardly ony,

   My sky is as clear as yours, an' the cluds are as

          bonnie;

   I whussle a tune thro' my teeth to mysel' that costs

          nae money.



The bobolink pipes in the orchards white in your hame

       on the ither side;

Gray whaups cry up on oor muir t' me, white seamaws

       soom on oor tide.

An organ bums in your marble hall wi' mony a sough

       an' swell;

I list to the roar o' the wind an' the sea in the hollow

       o' a shell.



   An' there's nae great differ, Andra--hardly ony

          ava,

   For the measure that throbs thro' eternal things to

          me is as braw,

   An' it wafts me up to the gate o' God to hear His

          choir ana'.



We're draiglit bit craiturs, Andra, plowterin' i' the

       glaur,

Paidlin' ilk in oor ane bit dub, and glowerin' ilk at his

       star;

Rakin' up the clert o' the trink till oor Faither airts us

       hame,

Whiles wi' a strap, whiles wi' a kiss, or carryin' us

       when we're lame.



   An' there's nae great differ, Andra, we're sib as

          peas in a cod,

   Ill-faured weans at the best--the draiglit wi' the

          snod;

   An' we'll a' get peyed what we're ocht, Andra,

          when we gang hame to God.



What if I win fame or gear, Andra, what if I fail,

Be gleg as a fumart whitrock, or dull as a snail?

It'll be a' ane in a hunder year whether I sally or slide--

The nicht sits as dark on a brawlin' linn as it broods

       on a sleepin' tide.



   An' there's nae great differ, Andra, whether ye

          bum or bizz;

   If no a wheel ye may be a clink--if we canna pull

          we can bruiz;

   We maun tak' the world as we find it, lad, an'

          content wi't as it is.



"That's the best poetry I've heard for years," I said when Mr.
Carnegie stopped: "That second quatrain touches genius."

"Now hear what I wrote to the Dunfermline Press--the letter is
printed on this card. I said:

"'Dear Sir: Please tell "R. C." that I have greatly enjoyed his verses.
He is both philosopher and poet, but he cannot know, as I do, how
trifling are the advantages of wealth. He has to imagine one side. I
have lived both, and have learned that



"If happiness has not its seat

      And centre in the breast,

    We may be wise, or rich, or great,

      But never can be blessed."



Beyond a competence for old age, and that need not be great, and
may be very small, wealth lessens rather than increases human
happiness. Millionaires who laugh are rare. This is just as it should
be, and "R. C." has done a bit of good work (better than most
sermons) in putting a great truth so vividly before us.

"'I hope he has more of such ore to smelt. Yours truly, Andrew
Carnegie.'"

"That's a good letter," I said, "but the trouble is nobody believes
you when you talk about wealth being a burden."

"I suppose that's true," he answered. "But I have worked infinitely
harder trying to make the right disposition of money than I ever
did to earn it. Money just came. But it came to me and it is my
duty to put it where it will do most for human betterment. Does
anyone think it's an easy task to distribute four hundred million
dollars wisely, distribute it as if one were going to be called to give
an account of it some day? It's the most terrible responsibility that
ever fell upon a man. Sometimes I just wish I could get rid of all
the worry of it for good--and be care-free as when I was a boy. But
it has been a great pleasure, of course, to see the results of what
has been given."

I have had occasion several times to speak of Mr. Carnegie's love
for music. So far as I know he had had no training in it--it was
simply the response of a poetic, romantic nature to the appeal of
harmony and melody. It transported him. He sought rest and
refreshment in it from the many cares and problems that were
incidental to his vast affairs. But it was much more than that. It
was worship to him. He prayed not with words but through music.
The voice of the eternal reached him through the organ, or the
orchestra, or the voice. He loved especially the organ and the
oratorios. He was also very fond of a big orchestra, especially
when it played the great symphonies. He did not enjoy the modern
complex orchestral music quite so much. His nature was too
simple to feel the appeal of the turbulency and complexities of the
later schools. The opera he liked occasionally, but much of the
modern opera was too dramatic and intense for his calm and
reposeful soul. He surrounded himself with music. He had an
organ in the hall of the house on Fifth Avenue and had a musician
come in regularly to flood the house with sweet tones. He loved to
hear it early in the day, when he was rising or breakfasting. He
once said to me jokingly: "This is the only extravagance I have."
Then he added: "But what better way to begin the day than with
music. It's my morning worship." It really was worship with him. I
have referred to the fact that he was always quoting the great
sentence of Confucius: "Music, sacred Tongue of God, I hear thee
calling and I come." He always did come. A strain of music would
arrest him anywhere and almost the only times I ever saw him
angry were when people carried on conversation during music. To
talk while music was being played was as much sacrilege to him as
it would be sacrilege to a devout Catholic to talk while the Host
was being elevated. I doubt if he ever had the same respect
afterwards for a man or woman who carried on conversation
during music.

He showed his interest in music in many ways besides giving
Church organs. He was President of the New York Oratorio
Society for many years and attended all its concerts. The chorus
would now and then come to his house and sing for him--on a
birthday, or at Christmas time--and he would then make the most
delightful addresses. I remember one outstanding night in Carnegie
Hall. We were at that time seemingly on the verge of war with
Mexico. The Central and South American states had offered their
services as arbitrators in the difficulty. Mr. Carnegie had, with
voice and pen, been advocating the acceptance of this offer. The
evening on which the concert of the Oratorio Society came was the
critical evening. Washington had been deliberating all through the
day. Feeling was very tense but no news appeared in the evening
paper. About nine o'clock a telegram came to him from
Washington that the offer to arbitrate had been accepted. It was
immediately carried to Mr. Carnegie at the Hall. The moment the
intermission in the Oratorio came he hurried around to the stage
and appeared before the audience. Everybody supposed he was
simply going to make one of those delightful speeches of
appreciation, as President of the Society, which he frequently
made on anniversary occasions or at the closing concert of the
season. But he was too full of joy over what had happened to think
of the Society at that moment. Holding the telegram aloft in his
hand he told the audience the good news--that war had been
averted, that the two Nations, the United States and Mexico, had
agreed to settle their dispute by arbitration--that it marked another
great step forward in the world's history, that two nations had come
to see that a nation could no more be a judge of its own case than
could a man--that they in that hall were in the presence of a great
moment, and at what more fitting time could the news come than
when they were surrounded by music--for music was the
expression of peace, harmony, happiness, through law.

Great applause greeted Mr. Carnegie's announcement for no one
except the jingoes really wanted war with Mexico, but Mr.
Carnegie was not done. When he had got through with Mexico he
turned to the several hundred singers who surrounded him and
began talking about their music--and about them. I wish I could
recall his words. They were very beautiful and, as always, just the
right words. He knew how to pay a compliment as well as anyone I
ever knew. He said the thing that made everybody happy and yet
did not overdo it. I remember that he did say to the singers that
every time he heard them it gave him a foretaste of heaven, that he
could understand why the poet always pictured heaven in terms of
music, that music was the one thing in this world that was always
sure, that it was the one thing that would be the same in all worlds,
it was built on eternal lines, and then, turning again to the singers,
he said: "If I could hear you sing in heaven as you have sung here
to-night, I should be satisfied."

I was upstairs in Mr. Bertram's box but I hurried down to Mr.
Carnegie's on the floor below and arrived there just before he did.
When he came in he was as happy as a child--all radiant.

"Isn't it great news?" he said at once. "It is not so much that this
present crisis has passed, for I do not think we would have had war
with Mexico anyhow. It is the example to the world. When a great
Nation like ours consents to arbitrate it sets a precedent. Other
great nations can do it more easily now." (I often think of these
words when I remember how Grey--as afterwards Prince
Lichnowsky testified--in trying to persuade Austria and Germany
to arbitrate the case with Serbia referred to just such cases of
successful arbitration as these of the United States and other
nations.) The music began and I went back to my chair leaving Mr.
Carnegie with eyes closed and Mexico and everything else
forgotten.

VIII

VIEWS ON EDUCATION

I HAD a good many talks with Mr. Carnegie on education. He had
very pronounced views as everybody knows, and gave expression
to them in many addresses and in his letter founding the Technical
Schools at Pittsburgh. In that letter he said: "It is really astonishing
how many of the world's foremost men have begun as manual
laborers. The greatest of all, Shakespeare, was a wool carder;
Burns, a plowman; Columbus, a sailor; Hannibal, a blacksmith;
Lincoln, a rail-splitter; Grant, a turner, and I know of no better
foundation from which to ascend than manual labor in youth."
This last sentence was something of a creed with Mr. Carnegie and
I am not sure that he ever could have come to put so high a value
on cultural training as some of us do. I think he really felt that
Oxford and Cambridge were wasting a very precious lot of time on
the classics and philosophy, and have known him to get quite
heated on this subject and sometimes to speak with considerable
contempt of the whole classical curriculum. He had such a strong
conviction that the first essential of training was to fit a boy to
become self-supporting and independent and also contribute
directly to his family that it was difficult for him to see the value
of a training which might not contribute so much to these
immediate things as to a certain largeness of character, breadth of
vision, and power of leadership in later times. And yet he was
continually making great donations to those colleges which
stressed entirely the cultural side of education. The colleges which
have, almost above all others adhered to the cultural traditions are
those of Scotland. He established in the Scottish Universities a
trust of $10,000,000 for assisting boys of slender income to avail
themselves of University training, or, to quote his own words, "by
rendering attendance at these universities and the enjoyment of
their advantages more available to the deserving and qualified
youth of that country to whom the payment of fees might act as a
barrier to the enjoyment of these advantages." (It is significant,
however, that, while not in any wise dictating how the large
income of this trust was to be spent, he did say in his Trust Deed:
"Deeming it to be my duty and one of my highest privileges to
administer the wealth which has come to me as a trustee on behalf
of others, and entertaining the confident belief that one of the best
means of my discharging that trust is by providing funds for
improving and extending the opportunities for scientific study and
research in the Universities of Scotland, my native land.". . . Here
one finds the emphasis on "scientific" creeping in, and in the
constitution of the Trust--which Mr. Carnegie did not write, but in
which the trustees naturally tried to carry out Mr. Carnegie's
educational ideals to some extent--it is provided that half the
annual income shall go toward the expansion of the faculties of
science and of medicine. The other half of the income is for the
use of any deserving boy taking any course. Mr. Carnegie also
gave large sums to other colleges where the cultural ideal is
uppermost.

As a matter of fact, while he had considerable appreciation of the
classics, he thought that all there was of worth in them could be
had by reading them in English. I think, too, that he felt they were
somewhat overestimated--that they had been made somewhat of a
fetish. He was a great believer in evolution in the realm of the
spirit and of the mind as well as in the world of material things,
and so, while the past was valuable, as sources are always
important, yet the present was better and somewhat sufficient to
itself. On the other hand, he was often quoting the ancient sages.

I was present once at a discussion on education, where he
expressed himself very freely. It was at a little dinner at the home
of Prof. Samuel T. Dutton. Among those at the table was Principal
Frissell, of Hampton Institute, who shared Mr. Carnegie's views on
the supremacy of vocational and industrial training. The talk
naturally ran along the line of education, as there were three other
distinguished leaders in education present. Dr. Frissell was
advancing the idea that the whole curriculum of our colleges was
antiquated, and that the chief emphasis should be placed on the
vocational side, and, except for the special boy, training in science,
mechanics and handwork should receive chief attention. The
whole emphasis of the conversation was leaning toward doing. Mr.
Carnegie was rather falling in with these views. I suddenly
ventured the question whether there was not something to be said
for education for being as well as for doing, and I reminded Mr.
Carnegie that for several generations Scotland had been producing
man after man who had been of outstanding character and ability,
and that not only in Scotland, but in England these men who had
been doing the big things were men who had been educated in the
great cultural schools, and had generally been trained with little
thought of what they were to do in after life, The British point of
view seemed to be: "Make a big man and he can do anything."

To this Mr. Carnegie replied: "There is some danger that we who
believe that technical and scientific education is the chief thing,
will become as extreme in our views as the advocates of the
classical training are in theirs. What we have got to do is so to
balance our education that boys should be taught to do some one
thing well and at the same time be able to appreciate the best
things in life. The only thing that I insist on is that boys should be
educated for the world in which they live and not for a world
which has passed away. This means adaptation of our colleges to
the times and I am not sure they are all making these adaptations."

At this same dinner he got to talking about the influence of
women. On this subject he waxed eloquent. He was a little afraid
of the feminist movement, not feeling quite sure about its
consequences, and because of his own experience of what a
wonderful sphere the home offered the real woman. He said: "A
woman who can enter into the life of her husband, sharing all his
cares, bringing to him a refining influence that counteracts the
coarser elements of the world in which he works, who makes a
really beautiful home, and brings up children to be fine, good men
and women, does more for the world than any woman can ever do
in politics or public life."

He then told us about his mother--what a wonderful woman she
had been--how wise and brave. This led him to talk about
Dunfermline and his boyhood. He always had a tender place for
Scotland in his heart, and returned there every summer until the
war came. But he loved America, his adopted country and the
country which gave him his great opportunity, and was a most
loyal citizen. He used often to say: "One can love his mother and
his wife at the same time." But the home of his childhood was
often in his thoughts and sometimes I think the most beautiful
thing he ever wrote was the letter in which he conveyed Pittencrief
Park and Glen, and two million five hundred thousand dollars to
the corporation of Dunfermline. Let me quote one or two passages
here, for they deserve wide publicity and show how really Mr.
Carnegie bore upon his heart the welfare of the people:

"The trust deed, of which this may be considered explanatory,
transfers to you Pittencrief Park and Glen, and two million five
hundred thousand dollars in five per cent. bonds, giving you an
annual revenue of twenty-five thousand pounds, all to be used in
attempts to bring into the monotonous lives of the toiling masses
of Dunfermline more of sweetness and light; to give to
them--especially the young--some charm, some happiness, some
elevating condition of life which residence elsewhere would have
denied; that the child of my native town, looking back in after
years, however far from home it may have roamed, will feel that
simply by virtue of being such, life has been made happier and
better. If this be the fruit of your labor you will have succeeded; if
not, you will have failed."

Here is another passage from this same letter:

"The problem you have to solve is: What can be done in towns for
the benefit of the masses by money in the hands of the most public
spirited citizens? If you prove that good can be done, you open
new fields to the rich, which I am certain they are to be more and
more anxious to find for their surplus wealth. Remember, you are
pioneers, and do not be afraid of making mistakes; those who
never make mistakes never make anything. Try many things freely,
but discard just as freely. As it is the masses you are to benefit, it
follows you have to keep in touch with them and must carry them
with you. Therefore, do not put before their first steps that which
they cannot take easily, but always that which leads upward as
their tastes improve."

IX

SOME CONVERSATIONS

WHEN I wrote my first book on international affairs, "The Peace
Problem," I took the page proof to Mr. Carnegie and asked him if
he would write an introduction to the book. When I went after it
again about a week afterwards, I found he had gone through the
pages with most meticulous care, and made several corrections
and suggestions, and had even corrected trifling errors of
punctuation. His corrections were all improvements and we talked
over some suggested changes for a long time. When I told him
how much I appreciated his giving so much time and attention to
this book he laughingly said: "You ought to put my name on here
as joint author." "All right," I said, "I've no objections. It would
probably greatly increase its sale."

"I don't think we need worry about its sale," he said with a
mischievous look in his eyes. (He afterwards distributed the book
somewhat widely throughout the country.)

He gave me the introduction and I noticed at once it was in the
extremest form of simplified spelling. I wanted to say: "Won't you
put it in the English language Mr. Carnegie?" --but said nothing.
When I took it to the publishers, though, it was another matter.
They hesitated over it a long time, then finally printed it just as he
wrote it: "I hav red this book, &c., &c." When I told him about it
he laughed and said: "Publishers are a backward and benighted lot
anyhow."

I then told him the story of how, when the journal with which I
was connected--"The Christian Work"--had, under Dr. Joseph
Newton Hallock, begun to adopt certain of the new spellings, one
of the subscribers, a dear old lady, wrote in, asking to be dropped
from the subscription list, because, she said: "I do not want to pick
up any paper after my dear husband dies and read: 'Dr. is very
much mist.'" He and Dr. Hallock stuck to their principles to the
end and Mr. Carnegie never quite forgave me for reverting to the
old spelling after I had bought The Christian Work.

* * * * *

When Dr. Hallock, who had owned The Christian Work for a good
many years, and who had bought The Evangelist, made famous by
Dr. Henry M. Field, and The Observer, with which the names of
Dr. Irenaeus Prime and Dr. Charles Augustus Stoddard had been
so long connected, reached old age he intimated more than once
that he wished the paper might pass into my hands. I had begun my
connection with it by writing a weekly letter: "The Observer," and
was soon writing most of its editorials. When Dr. Hallock passed
away the editorial policy of the paper was practically in my hands.
Dr. Hallock's son, Mr. William Watson Hallock, and I at once held
a conference and I found I could purchase the paper on very
favorable terms. I hardly knew what to do. I decided before doing
anything to go straight to Mr. Carnegie, as I often did in personal
matters and ask his advice. I am relating this incident to show how
he, although engrossed in affairs of vast magnitude, and connected
with great movements, would drop everything to render some
service to some one whom he knew and was interested in. (This
was a very beautiful trait in his nature as many besides myself can
testify.) I found him walking in the garden, and as we walked back
and forth I put the whole thing before him. He asked a few
questions and then exclaimed: "You buy it. It's the greatest
opportunity in the world, and buy it yourself, don't form a stock
company. Then you can say just what you please. See what a
chance you've got! You can make it an organ of all these things
we've been working for for years, and you can line up the Churches
with us. And then you can also preach Christian unity all the time
and the Churches must be brought towards that more and more.
I'm almost tempted to buy it myself," and then with a chuckle he
squeezed my arm which he was holding and said: "Wouldn't the
good people open their eyes to see a religious paper suddenly
appear with 'Andrew Carnegie, Editor-in-Chief' on the front page?
But you buy the paper."

"All right, I will," I replied, "but I'll make you consulting editor."

"Don't ask me to write the Theological Articles," he said.

When it came to the financial problem he at once smoothed out all
difficulties--a service that he had rendered to a good many men in
the same situation--and The Christian Work came into my hands.
Mr. Carnegie came to look upon it, and The Independent, edited
by another of his younger friends, Dr. Hamilton Holt, as the two
chief organs of the new international order and frequently used
them both, Mr. Holt and I regularly printing his annual addresses
before the New York Peace Society and upon other occasions.

* * * * *

Speaking of Mr. Carnegie's interest in persons, he had a very
tender spot in his heart for the companions of his early years, and
for those with whom he had cooperated during the later years. I do
not know how many individuals were on his pension list sooner or
later. But it was not only that they were on his pension list. He
took a personal interest in them and kept in touch with them. One
day I was walking around the Lake in Central Park with him and
suddenly he pulled a letter out of his pocket.

"Listen to this," he said. "This is a letter from an old lady to whom
I have been sending a pension for years. She writes me the most
beautiful letters. Let me read you a line or two."

He read a few lines telling in very simple but touching language
her appreciation of what he had done for her.

"There now," he said, and there were tears in his eyes, "I'd rather
get that letter than any engrossed resolution for any million dollars
I ever gave."

Several times I went to him to lay before him cases where some
one who had come to grief financially needed assistance or to
suggest the pensioning of some woman whose husband, a worker
in some worthy cause, had suddenly died, and always he was the
most sympathetic man imaginable. And it should be remembered
that he received several hundred begging letters every week.

It is commonly thought that these letters never got beyond Mr.
Bertram's or Mr. Poynton's eyes. But Mr. Carnegie saw a great
many more of them than people realized and gave them his
personal attention. He was not like Charles Sumner. It will be
recalled that once some friend of Sumner's wrote him from
Boston--it was a woman, one of the leaders of the Boston
anti-slavery group--asking him if he could not do something for a
certain individual in Washington at that time. The Senator wrote
back, that in the great pressure of public duty he had no time to
devote to individuals. His friend wrote back the simple words, "It's
fortunate the Lord still has time to consider individuals."

X

AT THE BANQUET TABLE

WHILE Mr. Carnegie welcomed suggestions as to wise ways of
using money--and I suppose he received several thousand a
year--he was a very shrewd man and could easily detect anything
in the nature of what to-day we would call camouflage. He was
always being invited to be one of the speakers at a dinner or
luncheon where the real aim was to put some cause before him and
get him to subscribe the necessary funds. Thus I remember so well
one occasion when he was persuaded to attend a luncheon at the
City Club where a certain cause was to be considered. The man
who had been instrumental in arranging the luncheon took the
opportunity, when he made the opening speech, to lay before the
assembled company every need of the cause even to one more
stenographer in the office. The whole address was so self-evidently
made for Mr. Carnegie's benefit that most of those present were
really a little vexed over it. The speaker had Mr. Carnegie in a trap
and was not going to let the opportunity go by. We all wondered
how Mr. Carnegie would take it. As usual he took it as a good
joke. He saw through the ruse at once and made a very tantalizing
speech. He dwelt on the fact that the story of the struggles of the
organization had greatly impressed him, that struggle was a good
thing for either a man or an organization--it developed
strength--and he hoped they would go right on struggling and no
one could be more interested in the outcome than he; that often he
was appealed to for subscriptions that would lift organizations
beyond all need of struggle, but he had not felt it wise generally to
do this (here our friend's countenance began to fall), though he
would, of course, be glad always to do his part in any worthy cause
that interested him.

He really got a good deal of fun out of this occasion and it was
perfectly evident that he saw through the whole scheme. He went
away, not the least bit angry, and the next day sent for me to come
to the house. He said "That whole speech of ----'s was so
self-evident yesterday, wasn't it? He had me where I couldn't
escape, but he's a very able man and really has done pioneer work
in the greatest cause in the world. I rather think I'll make his
Society an allowance of a few thousand dollars a years. What do
you think of it?" I told him it would be a good thing, and he did so.
He had not taken the slightest offence at the ill-timed appeal. The
work merited support and he contributed to it.

It was very difficult for ardent supporters of some cause to resist
making an indirect appeal when they happened to be speaking at
some banquet where he was also a speaker. The banquet might
have been given by a society devoted to forestry, but if a
temperance worker, or a secretary of a society for children's
welfare, or the head of an organization for the reform of prisons
happened to be present, he would often take the occasion to relate
the subject of forestry to his hobby and then let himself go upon it,
putting all the facts he could into a twenty minute address. It
highly amused Mr. Carnegie, who immediately caught on to the
whole thing, and he would often comment on it afterwards; but he
never referred to it in his own speech so far as I can remember.

He rather enjoyed a banquet if a congenial company was present
and there was good speaking. He could be the wittiest of them all
if he got into the mood. Who, of those present, will ever forget his
speech at the Annual Dinner of the Men's Bible Class of the Fifth
Avenue Baptist Church, of which Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., was
then President. He presided this night. At Mr. Carnegie's side sat
an old-time friend, a clergyman who had begun his career about
the same time as Mr. Carnegie, and had won much reputation as
well as success. Mr. Carnegie greatly admired him, and when his
turn to speak came, referred to his old friend in these words: "We
both followed the prophets, only I used the simplified spelling." Of
course everybody roared and it was a long time before the laughter
subsided sufficiently for Mr. Carnegie to go on. Such spontaneous
wit was always bubbling from him, and I could give many
instances.

He never liked smoking and was pretty strict in his opinions about
it. I think it was a considerable effort for him to countenance
anyone smoking in the presence of others who did not smoke. He
was particularly averse to men smoking at banquets where women
were present. At a dinner where he was presiding--I think it was a
banquet of the National Civic Federation--some one near the
speakers' table said, "Mr. Carnegie, is it permissible for gentlemen
to smoke in the presence of the ladies?" Mr. Carnegie immediately
responded, "Gentlemen don't want to smoke where ladies are
present"--that settled the question.

He enjoyed a good story on himself even when it was directed at
some principle which was deep-rooted in his nature. Mr. Carnegie
was a great believer in stimulating others to give, and once said to
me that he thought he had raised as many million dollars for
various institutions as he had himself given. Consequently he was
all the time saying to various men or organizations asking for
money: "You raise half the sum you need and I will give the other
half." At a banquet at the Lotus Club one night, at which Mr.
Carnegie was a guest of honor, one of the speakers, an intimate
friend of Mr. Carnegie's, when he began to speak, went on
something after this fashion: "I had a dream the other night and
dreamed that Mr. Carnegie suddenly presented himself before St.
Peter at the gates of Heaven and asked if he might go in. St. Peter
looked him over, asked him who he was, consulted his records,
and after a while said the balance sheet was all right, but suddenly
demanded: 'Have you got your crown?' 'No,' answered Mr.
Carnegie, 'I supposed you furnished the crown.' 'Well,' responded
St. Peter, 'I'll furnish half if you'll raise the other half.'" Nobody
enjoyed the story more than did Mr. Carnegie himself.

There was a group of men, with my father-in-law, Professor
Samuel T. Dutton, at the head, who were intent on having a great
international building erected in New York. Their thought was that
it should be a structure imposing enough to stand out among the
finer buildings of the city as a striking monument to the cause and
should at the same time house all the international groups--the
peace societies, the Japan-American Society, the
American-Scandinavian Foundation, the Pan-American Society
and all the rest. Professor Dutton also wanted a Club handsomely
fitted up on one floor, with suites of rooms, where distinguished
visitors from other countries might be entertained. There was also
to be a large hall for all international functions, and lectures, and
the whole thing crowned by a great library on internationalism. He
had broached the subject to Mr. Carnegie from time to time, and at
last interested him in the idea. But Mr. Carnegie was always
cautious about committing himself to a project until he had
thought it all through very carefully and pretty thoroughly
visualized it in his own mind. Finally Professor Dutton arranged a
little luncheon of about thirty mutual friends of Mr. Carnegie and
himself at the Yale Club to get exchanges of opinion on the
subject. Mr. Carnegie was much interested in the discussion. I
recall that Mr. Walter Page, who had not then been appointed
American Ambassador to the Court of St. James, was present and
made a most felicitous address. Mr. Carnegie asked many
questions and finally made a short address. It was a purely
spontaneous address, because before the luncheon no one had been
asked to speak. It was one of his best utterances on the oneness of
the human race. In the course of it he told us how he had been for
years an admirer of Confucius, and the more he read of his sayings
the more impressed he was with their similarity to the teachings of
Christ. Sometimes they used almost the same language. It was a
revelation to him of the oneness of all great souls. Two or three of
the speakers had dwelt upon the necessity of strengthening the
unity of the British and American peoples, and on this theme he
foreshadowed some of those utterances that have been everywhere
current since the close of the war. I remember especially his saying
how, if all the English speaking peoples of the world could stand
together for the newer ideals of justice, brotherhood and good-will,
they together could keep the peace of the world. He thought that it
would be a splendid thing if our Congress would invite a great
delegation of the British Parliament to be its guests for a month or
two, and the British Parliament would invite a similar delegation
from America. It would work wonders in the way of promoting
such unity.

"They might even hold some joint sessions," he said with a smile,
"to discuss our common problems and tasks. One of the great
causes of friction between nations," he continued, "is that people
of one country do not know the people of another and
consequently cannot understand them. Acquaintance always
precedes comprehension of other peoples." I do not know what
might have come of this project for the international building had
the war not broken out.

XI

FOREIGN MISSIONS AND FOREIGN POLITICS

IT WAS at a meeting of the Armstrong Association at the home of
Mr. William J. Schieffelin, its President, that Mr. Carnegie made
his testimony to foreign missions. The Armstrong Association was
created to work for Hampton Institute. It was Hampton's
representative at New York. For its annual meeting Mr. Schieffelin
used to invite the members to his beautiful home. At this meeting
reports of the work were submitted by Dr. Frissell and some one
especially interested in the advancement of the colored people was
invited to speak. On this occasion Mr. Carnegie was the speaker
and dwelt upon the value of technical training for all boys--not
colored boys alone. He recalled the fact that many years ago his
grandfather had written an article in a British paper called
"Handication versus Headication," and how in that article his
grandfather had thanked God that in his youth he had learned how
to make shoes. This was a favorite theme of Mr. Carnegie's and I
need not quote here his well-known view on technical education.
In some way he got upon the theme that the one thing we ought to
do for China was to put a lot of Tuskegees and Hamptons in her
midst.

Then he said, "Perhaps some of you have sometime heard me
speak somewhat critically of foreign missions. It is true I used to
have a prejudice against different sects going to China or India and
trying to make converts to their particular creeds. But after I
visited those countries and saw what medical missions and our
schools were doing, I changed my mind and I came home
thoroughly convinced that we could make no greater gift to these
people." Then he added: "I sometimes wish we could put all our
missionary work under undenominational agencies, as the Young
Men's Christian Association does its work."

I afterwards recalled this testimony to missions to Mr. Carnegie
and asked him if he had seen Mr. Taft's most eulogistic praise of
the missionaries in the Philippines. He had not seen it and asked
me what he had said. I sent him the passage in Mr. Taft's address,
made, if I remember rightly, before a meeting of the Laymen's
Missionary Association, where he spoke of the remarkable things
the missionaries had done in the Far East and the Philippines
wherever he had been, and how they had always been back of him
in any reform he had undertaken. "That's a very fine tribute," was
Mr. Carnegie's comment.

I think I might depart from my subject for a moment here to say
that one evening in October, 1919, while at dinner at Lambeth
palace, I related to the Archbishop of Canterbury the remarkable
tribute our Ambassador to Turkey, Mr. Morgenthau, who is, as all
know, of the Jewish faith, had paid to the missionaries in Turkey. I
told the Archbishop that Mr. Morgenthau had been making many
addresses on behalf of Armenian Relief, and that again and again,
he had said that the missionaries were the statesmen of the Near
East, that they had shown most marked ability in administering
relief and had been of the greatest aid to the government in all its
undertakings. The Archbishop was greatly impressed by this and
asked me if I would not, when I returned to America, have exact
copies of Mr. Morgenthau's words made, as he could make good
use of them.

One of the most amusing incidents I ever witnessed happened one
afternoon in Mr. Carnegie's library. It threw more light upon
international complications and the origin of wars than whole
volumes of political essays. M