Etext of Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648-1706 by George Lincoln Burr Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648-1706 by George Lincoln Burr 1692 Copyright, 1914, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Printed in the United States of America All Rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without the permission of Charles Scribner's Sons CONTENTS NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES Edited by George L. Burr From "An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences" (better known as "Remarkable Providences"), by Increase Mather, 1684 Introduction The Preface Chapter V: Preternatural Happenings in New England Case of Ann Cole, of Hartford, 1662 Case of Elizabeth Knap, of Groton, 1671 Case of the Morses, at Newbury, 1679-1681 The Tedworth Case, in England, 1661-1663 Case of Nicholas Desborough, of Hartford, 1683 Case of George Walton, at Portsmouth, 1682 Case of the Hortados, at Salmon Falls, 1682-1683 The New York Cases of Hall and Harrison, 1665, 1670 Introduction Case of Ralph and Mary Hall, of Setauket, 1665 Case of Katharine Harrison, 1670 "Lithobolia, or the Stone-throwing Devil," by Richard Chamberlain, 1698 Introduction Dedicatory Letter and Verses Why the Author relates this Stone throwing and why he believes it Witchcraft The Quaker George Walton and his Neighbors at Great Island (Ports-mouth) The Beginning of the Stone throwing (June, 1682) The Author himself a Victim His Serenade and its Sequel; the Black Cat The Deviltries at Great Bay Notable Witnesses The Author again an Object of Attack Injuries to Others, in House and Field The Lull in August; the Final Stone throwing in September The Author's Conclusions The Pennsylvania Cases of Mattson, Hendrickson, and Guard, 1684, 1701 Introduction Case of Margaret Mattson and Gertrude Hendrickson, 1684 Case of Robert Guard and his Wife, 1701 "Memorable Providences, relating to Witchcrafts and Possessions," by Cotton Mather, 1689 Introduction Dedicatory Epistle to the Hon. Wait Winthrop The Boston Ministers "to the Reader" The Introduction Case of the Goodwin Children, at Boston, 1688-1689 The Goodwin Family The Trouble with the Laundress and her Mother The Strange Malady of the Children The Appeal to the Ministers and to the Magistrates; Arrest and Trial of Goody Glover Her Condemnation and Execution The Continued Fits of the Children Efforts of the Ministers to help them The Author takes the Eldest Girl to his Home; her Behavior His Experiments with her Her Imaginary Journeys Strange Power over her of the Author's Study The Ministers' Day of Prayer and its Effect The Author tests the Linguistic Powers of the Demons And the Power of Scripture and Prayer to quell them Their Gradual Departure What the Author has learned from it all Postscript: the Devils return, but are again dispelled by Prayer Goodwin's Account of his Children's Bewitchment Case of Deacon Philip Smith, of Hadley, 1684 Case of Mary Johnson, of Hartford, 1648 Case of the Boy at Tocutt (Branford) Other Bewitchments "A Brief and True Narrative of Witchcraft at Salem Village," by Deodat Lawson, 1692 Introduction "The Bookseller to the Reader" The Author's Visit to Salem Village The Antics of "the Afflicted" Examination of Goodwife Corey Goodwife Putnam's Afflictions Examination of Goodwife Nurse Tales told by Elizabeth Parris, Dorcas Good, Abigail Williams, Mercy Lewis Goodwife Cloyse slams the Meeting-house Door Extraordinary Things about the Afflicted About the Accused Letter of Thomas Brattle, F.R.S., 1692 Introduction His Reasons for writing frankly The Procedure at Salem; the "Afflicted" and their Evidence The "Confessors" Indictment and Trial "Spectre Evidence" The Executions Things to wonder at The Troubles at Andover Zeal of the Judges The Doubters and their Reasons Extent of the Convictions; Hope from the impending General Court Efforts of certain Ministers to check the Matter Further Reasons for Hesitation Why the Confessions cannot be trusted Letters of Governor Phips to the Home Government, 1692, 1693 Introduction Letter of October 12, 1692: the Witch Panic as he found it, and what he did about it Letter of February 21, 1693: Recapitulation of his Earlier Report; how the Panic was brought to an End From "The Wonders of the Invisible World," by Cotton Mather, 1693 Introduction The Author's Defence His Relation to the Salem Trials The Trial of George Burroughs The Trial of Bridget Bishop The Trial of Susanna Martin The Trial of Elizabeth How The Trial of Martha Carrier "Curiosities": I. The Devil's Imitation of Divine Things II. The Witches' making themselves and their Tools invisible III. The Bewitched delivered by the Execution of the Witches IV. Apparitions reveal Old Murders by the Witches Certificate of the Judges to the Truth of this Account "A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning," by Cotton Mather, 1693 Introduction The Story of Mercy Short Her Bewitchment How the Devil and his Spectres appeared to her How they tormented her Her Discourses to them How her Tortures were turned into Frolics The Shapes worn by the Spectres Her Remarkable Answers and Strange Knowledge of Scripture The Methods used for her Deliverance Her Deliverance on New Year's Eve The Renewal of her Troubles after Seven Weeks The Strange Books brought by the Spectres for her signing The Books used at their Witch-meetings The Helpful Spirit, and how he aided her against the Others The Prayer-meetings and her Final Deliverance From "More Wonders of the Invisible World," by Robert Calef Introduction The Epistle to the Reader: the Author's Reasons for his Book His Materials Cotton Mather's Letter of Enclosure His Another Brand pluckt out of the Burning (the Story of Margaret Rule) Introductory Anecdote of the Devil's Appearance to an Indian Who Margaret Rule was; the Beginning of her Bewitchment How she was tortured by Spectres And by the Devil Her Remarkable Fastings; how she was further tormented Her Strange Revelations as to the Spectres The White Spirit and his Comfortings Her Pastor's Efforts for her Her Tormentors' Attempt with Poppets The Author's Reply to his Revilers The Good that has come of the Affair Part II: Calef's Correspondence with Mather His Letter of Jan. 11, 1694, enclosing his Journal of his Visit to Margaret Rule on Sept. 13 And on Sept. 19 And rehearsing his earlier Letters of Sept. 29 and Nov. 24 Mather's Reply (Jan. 15) Enclosed Certificates of Witnesses to Margaret Rule's Levitation Calef's Rejoinder (Jan. 18) Part V: The Salem Witchcraft The Rev. Mr. Parris and the Divisions at Salem Village The Strange Behavior of Divers Young Persons and its Ascription to Witchcraft Mr. Lawson's Visit and his Account; the Examinations of the Accused Mr. Lawson's Sermon; the Solemn Fast at Salem The "White Man"; Goodwife Cloyse and the Slammed Door; the Public Examination of April 11 The Lord's Prayer as an Ordeal; Specimen of a Mittimus Arrival of Governor Phips; the Political Events leading to it Mrs. Cary's Commitment and Escape Captain John Alden's Narrative Opening of the Special Court at Salem (June 2) Bridget Bishop's Fate; Advice of the Boston Ministers The Trials of June 30; Fate of Sarah Good; of Rebecca Nurse The August Trials and Executions; George Burroughs, John Willard, the Procters Procter's Letter to the Ministers Old Jacobs and his Grand-daughter; her Confession and Retraction The September Trials The Coreys; Wardwell; Mary Esty and her Letter Mrs. Hale accused; Mr. Hale's Change of View Seizure of the Property of Fugitives Flight of George Jacobs and Fate of his Family The Andover Witchcraft The Gloucester Witchcraft End of the Special Court; Summary of its Work How the Accused were brought to confess; Protestation of the Andover Women Criticism of Cotton Mather's Account of the Trials The Laws in Force against Witchcraft The new Superior Court and how it dealt with the Witch Cases (Jan.-April, 1693) Governor Phips's General Pardon The Benham Case in Connecticut (1697); the Massachusetts Proclamation of a General Fast (Dec., 1696) Judge Sewall's Public Penitence The Penitence of the Jurors Criticism of Cotton Mather's Life of Phips (1697) And of its Author's Teaching as to Witchcraft Calef's own Convictions as to the Matter From "A Modest Inquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft," by John Hale, 1702 Introduction An Epistle to the Reader, by John Higginson Mr. Hale's "Preface to the Christian Reader" The Origin and Nature of Devils Summary of New England Witch Cases, 1648-1692 Margaret Jones; Mrs. Lake Mrs. Kendal Mrs. Hibbins; Mary Johnson The Principles acted on in these Convictions Mrs. Morse; Goody Glover The Salem Witchcraft; its Beginnings Tituba's Confession Conscientiousness of the Judges; the Authorities used by them Influence of the Confessions; their Agreement with the Accusations and with each other; their Circumstantiality Specimen Confessions: Deliverance Hobbs's Ann Foster's; Mary Lacy's William Barker's Their Testimony against themselves and against each other How Doubt at last was stirred Wherein lay the Error Like Mistakes in Other Places The Application of the Whole The Virginia Case of Grace Sherwood, 1706 Introduction Her First Trial; the Jury of Women The Appeal to the Governor and Council; the County Court instructed to make Further Inquiry Her Second Trial; the Ducking The Verdict; her Detention for Trial by the General Court INTRODUCTION The earliest account of the remarkable happenings at Salem, in the spring of 1692, which were to bring to a climax and then to a conclusion the quest of witches in New England, was that which here follows. The Rev. Deodat Lawson was singularly qualified to write it. He had himself, only a little earlier (1684-1688), served as pastor to Salem Village, the rural community in which these happenings took their rise; and, though dissensions in the parish prevented his longer stay, he seems to have been no party to these dissensions and must meanwhile have learned to know the scene and all the actors of that later drama which he here depicts. He was, too, a man of education, travel, social experience. Born in England, the son of a scholarly Puritan minister, and doubtless educated there, he first appears in New England in 1676, and at the time of his call to Salem Village was making his home in Boston. Thither he returned in 1688: Samuel Sewall, who on May 13 had him in at Sunday dinner, notes in his diary that he "came to Town to dwell last week," and often mentions him thereafter. How at the outbreak of the witchpanic he came to revisit the Village and to chronicle the doings there, he himself a dozen years later thus told his English friends:1 It pleased God in the Year of our Lord 1692 to visit the People at a place called Salem Village in New-England, with a very Sore and Grievous Affliction, in which they had reason to believe, that the Soveraign and Holy God was pleased to permit Satan and his Instruments, to Affright and Afflict those poor Mortals in such an Astonishing and Unusual manner. Now, I having for some time before attended the work of the Ministry in that Village, the Report of those Great Afflictions came quickly to my notice; and the more readily because the first Person Afflicted was in the Minister's Family, who succeeded me, after I was removed from them; in pitty therefore to my Christian Friends, and former Acquaintance there, I was much concerned about them, frequently consulted with them, and fervently (by Divine Assistance) prayed for them; but especially my Concern was augmented, when it was Reported, at an Examination of a Person suspected for Witchcraft, that my Wife and Daughter, who Dyed Three Years before, were sent out of the World under the Malicious Operations of the Infernal Powers; as is more fully represented in the following Remarks. I did then Desire, and was also Desired, by some concerned in the Court, to be there present, that I might hear what was alledged in that respect; observing therefore, when I was amongst them, that the Case of the Afflicted was very amazing, and deplorable; and the Charges brought against the Accused, such as were Ground of Suspicions yet very intricate, and difficult to draw up right Conclusions about them; I thought good for the satisfaction of my self, and such of my Friends as might be curious to inquiry into those Mysteries of Gods Providence and Satans Malice, to draw up and keep by me, a Brief Account of the most Remarkable things, that came to my Knowledge in those Affairs; which Remarks were afterwards, (at my Request) Revised and Corrected by some who Sate Judges on the Bench, in those Matters; and were now Transcribed, from the same Paper, on which they were then Written. A narrative so timely and so vouched for must have gone speedily into print.2 The latest day named in it -- "the 5th of April" -- was probably the date both of its completion and of its going to press. In 1693 it was reprinted in London by John Dunton, who appended to it an anonymous "Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches" (an extract from "a letter from thence to a Gentleman in London") bringing the story to February, 1693, and to both joined Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (see pp. 377, 378, below), prefixing to the volume thus made up the title: A Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches. With the Observations of a Person who was upon the Place several Days when the suspected Witches were first taken into Examination. To which is added, Cases of Conscience, etc.3 In 1704 Lawson, himself now in England, cast it into a new form as an appendix to the English edition of his Salemsermon.4 All names are now left out, that he "may not grieve any, whose Relations were either Accused or Afflicted, in those times of Trouble and Distress," and what had been a narrative is given a statistical form under "three Heads, viz. (1.) Relating to the Afflicted, (2.) Relating to the Accused, And (3.) Relating to the Confessing Witches."5 On his own views, and the probable trend of his influence while at Salem, light is thrown by his introductory words: After this,6 I being by the Providence of God called over into England, in the Year 1696; I then brought that Paper of Remarks on the Witchcraft with me; upon the sight thereof, some Worthy Ministers and Christian Friends here desired me to Reprint the Sermon and subjoyn the Remarks thereunto, in way of Appendix, but for some particular Reasons I did then Decline it; But now, forasmuch as I my self had been an Eye and Ear Witness of most of those Amazing things, so far as they come within the Notice of Humane Senses; and the Requests of my Friends were Renewed since I came to Dwell in London; I have given way to the Publishing of them; that I may satisfy such as are not resolved to the Contrary, that there may be (and are) such Operations of the Powers of Darkness on the Bodies and Minds of Mankind, by Divine Permission; and that those who Sate Judges in those Cases, may by the serious Consideration of the formidable Aspect and perplexed Circumstances of that Afflictive Providence be in some measure excused; or at least be less Censured, for passing Sentance on several Persons, as being the Instruments of Satan in those Diabolical Operations, when they were involved in such a Dark and Dismal Scene of Providence, in which Satan did seem to Spin a finer Thred of Spiritual Wickedness than in the ordinary methods of Witchcraft; hence the Judges desiring to bear due Testimony against such Diabolical Practices, were inclined to admit the validity of such a sort of Evidence as was not so clearly and directly demonstrable to Human Senses, as in other Cases is required, or else they could not discover the Mysteries of Witchcraft.... One can not read these words without a suspicion that the reaction in New England against those held responsible for the procedure at Salem may have had to do with his return to England; and even in England, it is clear, his cause now needed defense. If any can wish him further ill, let them be appeased by our two glimpses of his after fate -- a despairing letter in 1714,7 begging from his New England friends meat, drink, and clothing for his sick and starving family, and the passing phrase of a writer who in 1727, mentioning Thomas Lawson, adds that "he was the father of the unhappy Mr. Deodate Lawson, who came hither from New England."8 But the reader should not enter on the study of the witchpanic of 1692 without knowing something of our other sources of knowledge. The contemporary narratives are practically all printed in the pages that follow, and a part of the trial records will be found embodied in Cotton Mather's Wonders;9 but most of these must be sought otherwhere, and, alas, they are sadly scattered. Some Governor Hutchinson preserved in his wise and careful pages on this subject,10 where alone a part can now be found. Many have drifted into private hands -- like those which in 1860 came into the hands of the Massachusetts Historical Society and are in part printed in its Proceedings (1860-1862, pp. 31-37), or those published by Drake in the foot-notes and appendices to his various histories and editions,11 or those now in the keeping of the Essex Institute at Salem or of the Boston Public Library.12 Such of these as are in print are mentioned in the notes at the proper points. But most are still in public keeping at Salem; and these in 1864 were printed by W. Elliot Woodward in the two volumes of his Records of Salem Witchcraft, the work most fundamental for the first-hand study of this episode. It is, however, imperfect and far from complete, and there is hope of a better: the Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, of which a third volume has just appeared, must in due course include these witch-trials, and Mr. George Francis Dow, their editor (who has already by his publication of the witchcraft records relating to Topsfield13 shown his keenness in such work), has in mind the seizing of this opportunity to print all obtainable papers relating to the Salem Witchcraft episode. Precious documents too are published by Upham in his classical Salem Witchcraft14 and in the acute and learned studies of Mr. Abner C. Goodell and Mr. George H.Moore.15 Notes 1. In the London edition of his Salem sermon. See below, p. 158, note 3. 2. One of the acutest students of New England witchcraft, Mr. George H. Moore (in his "Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts" in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 248), has said of it: "I cannot resist the impression upon reading it, that it was promoted by Cotton Mather and that he wrote the `Bookseller's' notice `to the Reader.' " If so, he may well have inspired to the task both author and publisher. 3. The contents of this volume were reprinted at London, in 1862, by John Russell Smith, in the volume of his Library of Old Authors which contains also Cotton Mather's The Wonders of the Invisible World. In this reprint they fill pp. 199-291, being described in its main title by only the misleading words, "A Farther Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches, by Increase Mather." 4. See below, p. 158, note 3. 5. This revised form of his Account has been reprinted in full at the end of C. W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft (Boston, 1867), and, with but slight omissions, in the Library of American Literature edited by Stedman and Hutchinson (New York, 1891), II. 106-114. 6. This passage immediately follows that above quoted. 7. Published (from the Bodleian Library's Rawlinson MS. C. 128, fol. 12) by George H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 268-269. 8. Edmund Calamy, in his Continuation, II. 629 (II. 192 of Palmer's revision of 1775, The Nonconformist's Memorial). 9. At pp. 215-244, below. 10. History of Massachusetts, II., ch. I. 11. In his History and Antiquities of Boston (Boston, 1856), pp. 497, 498, and in his The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 126, 169-197. All these (the indictment and the testimony against Philip English, the examination of Mary Clark and of the slave Tituba) are now in the New York Public Library, as are also his documents of the Morse case, mentioned above, p. 31, note 1. 12. As to the fate of the records in general see Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 462. 13. In vol. XIII. of the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (1908). 14. Boston, 1867, two vols. 15. See p. 91, note 2; p. 373, note 3. A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE: titlepage A Brief and True Narrative Of some Remarkable Passages Relating to sundry Persons Afflicted by Witchcraft, at Salem Village Which happened from the Nineteenth of March, to the Fifth of April, 1692. Collected by Deodat Lawson. Boston, Printed for Benjamin Harris and are to be Sold at his Shop, over-against the Old-Meeting-House. 1692.16 "The Bookseller to the Reader." The Ensuing Narrative, being a Collection of some Remarkables, in an Affair now upon the Stage, made by a Credible Eye-witness, is now offered unto the Reader, only as a Tast, of more that may follow in Gods Time. If the Prayers of Good People may obtain this Favour of God, That the Misterious Assaults from Hell now made upon so many of our Friends may be thoroughly Detected and Defeated, we suppose the Curious will be Entertained with as rare an History as perhaps an Age has had; whereof this Narrative is but a Forerunner. Benjamin Harris. Narrative On the Nineteenth day of Marchlast17 I went to Salem Village,18 and lodged at Nathaniel Ingersols near to the Minister Mr. P's. house,19 and presently after I came into my Lodging Capt. Walcuts Daughter Mary20 came to Lieut. Ingersols and spake to me, but, suddenly after as she stood by the door, was bitten, so that she cried out of her Wrist, and looking on it with a Candle, we saw apparently the marks of Teeth both upper and lower set, on each side of her wrist. In the beginning of the Evening, I went to give Mr. P.21 a visit. When I was there, his Kins-woman, Abigail Williams, (about 12 years of age,) had a grievous fit; she was at first hurryed with Violence to and fro in the room, (though Mrs. Ingersol endeavoured to hold her,) sometimes makeing as if she would fly, stretching up her arms as high as she could, and crying "Whish, Whish, Whish!" several times; Presently after she said there was Goodw.N.22 and said, "Do you not see her? Why there she stands!" And the said Goodw. N. offered her The Book, but she was resolved she would not take it, saying Often, "I wont, I wont, I wont, take it, I do not know what Book it is: I am sure it is none of Gods Book, it is the Divels Book, for ought I know." After that, she run to the Fire, and begun to throw Fire Brands, about the house; and run against the Back, as if she would run up Chimney, and, as they said, she had attempted to go into the Fire in other Fits. On Lords Day, the Twentieth of March, there were sundry of the afflicted Persons at Meeting, as, Mrs. Pope, and Goodwife Bibber, Abigail Williams. Mary Walcut, Mary Lewes, and Docter Griggs' Maid.23 There was also at Meeting, Goodwife C.24 (who was afterward Examined on suspicion of being a Witch:) They had several Sore Fits, in the time of Publick Worship, which did something interrupt me in my First Prayer; being so unusual. After Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams said to me, "Now stand up, and Name your Text": And after it was read, she said, "It is a long Text." In the beginning of Sermon, Mrs. Pope, a Woman afflicted, said to me, "Now there is enough of that." And in the afternoon, Abigail Williams upon my referring to my Doctrine said to me, "I know no Doctrine you had, If you did name one, I have forgot it." In Sermon time when Goodw. C was present in the Meetinghouse Ab. W. called out, "Look where Goodw. C sits on the Beam suckling her Yellow bird betwixt her fingers"! Anne Putnam another Girle afflicted said there was a Yellow-bird sat on my hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit: but those that were by, restrained her from speaking loud about it. On Monday the 21st of March, The Magistrates of Salem appointed to come to Examination of Goodw C.25 And about twelve of the Clock, they went into the Meeting-House, which was Thronged with Spectators: Mr. Noyes26 began with a very pertinent and pathetic Prayer; and Goodwife C. being called to answer to what was Alledged against her, she desired to go to Prayer, which was much wondred at, in the presence of so many hundred people: The Magistrates told her, they would not admit it; they came not there to hear her Pray, but to Examine her, in what was Alledged against her. The Worshipful Mr. Hathorne27 asked her, Why she Afflicted those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them. He asked her, who did then? she said, "I do not know; How should I know?" The Number of the Afflicted Persons were about that time Ten, viz. Four Married Women, Mrs. Pope, Mrs. Putman,28 Goodw. Bibber, and an Ancient Woman, named Goodall, three Maids, Mary Walcut, Mercy Lewes, at Thomas Putman's, and a Maid at Dr. Griggs's, there were three Girls from 9 to 12 Years of Age, each of them, or thereabouts, viz. Elizabeth Parris, Abigail Williams and Ann Putman; these were most of them at G. C's Examination, and did vehemently accuse her in the Assembly of afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Strangling, etc. And that they did in their Fit see her Likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book to them, she said, she had no Book; they affirmed, she had a Yellow-Bird, that used to suck betwixt her Fingers, and being asked about it, if she had any Familiar Spirit, that attended her, she said, She had no Familiarity with any such thing. She was a Gospel Woman: which Title she called her self by; and the Afflicted Persons told her, ah! She was, A Gospel Witch. Ann Putman did there affirm, that one day when Lieutenant Fuller was at Prayer at her Fathers House, she saw the shape of Goodw. C. and she thought Goodw. N. Praying at the same time to the Devil, she was not sure it was Goodw. N. she thought it was; but very sure she saw the Shape of G. C. The said C. said, they were poor, distracted Children, and no heed to be given to what they said. Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Noyes replyed, it was the judgment of all that were present, they were Bewitched, and only she, the Accused Person said, they were Distracted. It was observed several times, that if she did but bite her Under lip in time of Examination the persons afflicted were bitten on their armes and wrists and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, Ministers and others. And being watched for that, if she did but Pinch her Fingers, or Graspe one hand hard in another, they were Pinched and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, and Spectators. After that, it was observed, that if she did but lean her Breast against the Seat, in the Meeting House, (being the Barr at which she stood,) they were afflicted. Particularly Mrs. Pope complained of grievous torment in her Bowels as if they were torn out. She vehemently accused said C. as the instrument, and first threw her Muff at her; but that flying not home, she got off her Shoe, and hit Goodwife C. on the head with it. After these postures were watched, if said C. did but stir her feet, they were afflicted in their Feet, and stamped fearfully. The afflicted persons asked her why she did not go to the company of Witches which were before the Meeting house mustering? Did she not hear the Drum beat? They accused her of having Familiarity with the Devil, in the time of Examination, in the shape of a Black man whispering in her ear; they affirmed, that her Yellow-Bird sucked betwixt her Fingers in the Assembly; and order being given to see if there were any sign, the Girl that saw it said, it was too late now; she had removed a Pin, and put it on her head; which was found there sticking upright. They told her, she had Covenanted with the Devil for ten years, six of them were gone, and four more to come. She was required by the Magistrates to answer that Question in the Catechism, "How many persons be there in the God-Head?" she answered it but oddly, yet was there no great thing to be gathered from it; she denied all that was charged upon her, and said, They could not prove a Witch; she was that Afternoon Committed to Salem-Prison; and after she was in Custody, she did not so appear to them, and afflict them as before. On Wednesday the 23 of March, I went to Thomas Putmans, on purpose to see his Wife: I found her lying on the Bed, having had a sore fit a little before. She spake to me, and said, she was glad to see me; her Husband and she both desired me to pray with her, while she was sensible; which I did, though the Apparition said, I should not go to Prayer. At the first beginning she attended; but after a little time, was taken with a fit: yet continued silent, and seemed to be Asleep: when Prayer was done, her Husband going to her, found her in a Fit; he took her off the Bed, to set her on his Knees; but at first she was so stiff, she could not be bended; but she afterwards set down; but quickly began to strive violently with her Arms and Leggs; she then began to Complain of, and as it were to Converse personally with, Goodw. N., saying, "Goodw. N. Be gone! Be gone! Be gone! are you not ashamed, a Woman of your Profession, to afflict a poor Creature so? what hurt did I ever do you in my life! you have but two years to live, and then the Devil will torment your Soul, for this your Name is blotted out of Gods Book, and it shall never be put in Gods Book again, be gone for shame, are you not afraid of that which is coming upon you? I Know, I know, what will make you afraid; the wrath of an Angry God, I am sure that will make you afraid; be gone, do not tourment me, I know what you would have (we judged she meant, her Soul) but it is out of your reach; it is Clothed with the white Robes of Christs Righteousness." After this, she seemed to dispute with the Apparition about a particular Text of Scripture. The Apparition seemed to deny it, (the Womans eyes being fast closed all this time); she said, She was sure there was such a Text; and she would tell it; and then the Shape would be gone, for said she, "I am sure you cannot stand before that Text!" then she was sorely Afflicted; her mouth drawn on one side, and her body strained for about a minute, and then said, "I will tell, I will tell; it is, it is, it is!" three or four times, and then was afflicted to hinder her from telling, at last she broke forth and said, "It is the third Chapter of the Revelations." I did something scruple the reading it, and did let my scruple ap pear, lest Satan should make any Superstitious lie to improve the Word of the Eternal God. However, tho' not versed in these things, I judged I might do it this once for an Experiment. I began to read, and before I had near read through the first verse, she opened her eyes, and was well; this fit continued near half an hour. Her Husband and the Spectators told me, she had often been so relieved by reading Texts that she named, something pertinent to her Case; as Isa. 40. 1, Isa. 49. 1, Isa. 50. 1, and several others. On Thursday the Twenty fourth of march, (being in course the Lecture Day, at the Village,) Goodwife N. was brought before the Magistrates Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Corwin,29 about Ten of[the] Clock, in the Fore Noon, to be Examined in the Meeting House; the Reverend Mr. Hale30 begun with Prayer, and the Warrant being read, she was required to give answer, Why she aflicted those persons? she pleaded her owne innocency with earnestness. Thomas Putman's Wife, Abigail Williams and Thomas Putmans daughter accused her that she appeared to them, and afflicted them in their fitts: but some of the other said, that they had seen her, but knew not that ever she had hurt them; amongst which was Mary Walcut, who was presently after she had so declared bitten, and cryed out of her in the meeting-house; producing the Marks of teeth on her wrist. It was so disposed, that I had not leisure to attend the whole time of Examination,31 but both Magistrates and Ministers told me, that the things alledged by the afflicted, and defences made by her, were much after the same manner, as the former was. And her Motions did produce like effects as to Biteing, Pinching, Bruising, Tormenting, at their Breasts, by her Leaning, and when, bended Back, were as if their Backs was broken. The afflicted persons said, the Black Man whispered to her in the Assembly, and therefore she could not hear what the Magistrates said unto her. They said also that she did then ride by the Meeting-house, behind the Black Man. Thomas Putman's wife had a grievous Fit, in the time of Examination, to the very great Impairing of her strength, and wasting of her spirits, insomuch as she could hardly move hand, or foot, when she was carryed out. Others also were there grievously afflicted, so that there was once such an hideous scrietch and noise, (which I heard as I walked, at a little distance from the Meeting house,) as did amaze me, and some that were within told me the whole assembly was struck with consternation, and they were afraid, that those that sate next to them, were under the influence of Witchcraft. This woman also was that day committed to Salem Prison. The Magistrates and Ministers also did informe me, that they apprehended a child of Sarah G.32 and Examined it, being between 4 and 5 years of Age, And as to matter of Fact, they did Unanimously affirm, that when this Child did but cast its eye upon the afflicted persons, they were tormented, and they held her Head, and yet so many as her eye could fix upon were afflicted. Which they did several times make careful observation of: the afflicted complained, they had often been Bitten by this child, and produced the marks of a small set of teeth, accordingly, this was also committed to Salem Prison; the child looked hail, and well as other Children. I saw it at Lieut.Ingersols.33 After the commitment of Goodw. N., Tho: Putmans wife was much better, and had no violent fits at all from that 24th of March to the 5th of April. Some others also said they had not seen her so frequently appear to them, to hurt them. On the 25th of March, (as Capt. Stephen Sewal,34 of Salem, did afterwards inform me) Eliza. Paris had sore Fits, at his house, which much troubled himself, and his wife, so as he told me they were almost discouraged. She related, that the great Black Man came to her, and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City. She relating this to Mrs. Sewall, she told the child, it was the Divel, and he was a Lyar from the Beginning, and bid her tell him so, if he came again: which she did accordingly, at the next coming to her, in her fits. On the 26th of March, Mr. Hathorne, Mr. Corwin, and Mr.Higison35 were at the Prison-Keepers House, to Examine the Child,36 and it told them there, it had a little Snake that used to Suck on the lowest Joynt of it[s] Fore-Finger; and when they inquired where, pointing to other places, it told them, not there, but there, pointing on the Lowest point of Fore-Finger; where they Observed a deep Red Spot, about the Bigness of a Flea-bite, they asked who gave it that Snake? whether the great Black man, it said no, its Mother gave it. The 31 of March there was a Publick Fast kept at Salem on account of these Afflicted Persons. And Abigail Williams said, that the Witches had a Sacrament that day at an house in the Village, and that they had Red Bread and Red Drink. The first of April, Mercy Lewis, Thomas Putman's Maid, in her fitt, said, they did eat Red Bread like Mans Flesh, and would have had her eat some: but she would not; but turned away her head, and Spit at them, and said, "I will not Eat, I will not Drink, it is Blood," etc. She said, "That is not the Bread of Life, that is not the Water of Life; Christ gives the Bread of Life, I will have none of it!" This first of April also Marcy Lewis aforesaid saw in her fitt a White man and was with him in a Glorious Place, which had no Candles nor Sun, yet was full of Light and Brightness; where was a great Multitude in White glittering Robes, and they Sung the Song in the fifth of Revelation the Ninth verse, and the 110 Psalm, and the 149 Psalm; and said with her self, "How long shall I stay here? let me be along with you": She was loth to leave this place, and grieved that she could tarry no longer. This Whiteman37 hath appeared several times to some of them, and given them notice how long it should be before they had another Fit, which was sometimes a day, or day and half, or more or less: it hath fallen out accordingly. The third of April, the Lords-Day, being Sacrament-day, at the Village, Goodw. C.38 upon Mr. Parris's naming his Text, John 6, 70, One of them is a Devil, the said Goodw. C. went immediately out of the Meeting-House, and flung the door after her violently, to the amazement of the Congregation: She was afterward seen by some in their Fits, who said, "O Goodw. C., I did not think to see you here!" (and being at their Red bread and drink) said to her, "Is this a time to receive the Sacrament, you ran-away on the Lords-Day, and scorned to receive it in the Meeting-House, and, Is this a time to receive it? I wonder at you!" This is the summ of what I either saw my self, or did receive Information from persons of undoubted Reputation and Credit. Notes 16. Title-page of the original. 17. 1692. This narrative may well be studied in close connection with the parallel narratives of Calef and Hale, printed at pp. 296 ff. and 399 ff. of this volume. 18. Not Salem town, the present Salem city, but a rural district (what is now the township of Danvers, with parts of the townships adjoining it) which till 1672 had been a mere dependence of the town, but in that year, at the request of its inhabitants, was set off as a separate parish, though not as a distinct town. Despite the name of "village," there was in Salem Village no huddle of houses amounting to a hamlet, though about the meeting-house (where now is Danvers Highlands) the farm-houses clustered more thickly than elsewhere. Prefixed to the Rev. Charles W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft is a map, which, on the basis of long and loving research, attempts to locate every house in all the region; and the text of that work will also be of constant use, as will the little volume of W. S. Nevins, Witchcraft in Salem Village (1892), with its views of sites and buildings (as "Stories of Salem Witchcraft" it had been printed in the New England Magazine, IV., V.) and the illustrated edition of John Fiske's New France and New England (1904). 19. Nathaniel Ingersoll, deacon in the village church and perhaps its most devoted member, kept the tavern, or "ordinary," which was the recognized centre of the "Village." The meeting-house adjoined it to the east, to the west the parsonage, where lived Mr. Parris. 20. Captain Jonathan Walcot, commander of the village militia, dwelt next beyond the parsonage. His daughter Mary was now seventeen. 21. The Rev. Samuel Parris (1653-1720), whose part, and whose family's, in the Salem panic was to be so great, had been at Salem Village since 1688, succeeding Deodat Lawson as its spiritual head. Till then, though educated at Harvard, which is to say for the ministry, he had been engaged in the West Indian trade, and had lived for a time in Barbadoes, whence he had brought back with him the two slaves, John and Tituba, perhaps half negro, half native, with whom we must soon have to do. Abigail Williams, his niece, was a member of his household; and we shall meet also his little daughter Elizabeth, aged nine. The account of his life by S. P. Fowler (Essex Institute, Proceedings, II. 49-68) has been separately printed (Salem, 1857) and is appended to Drake's ed. of Mather and Calef (III. 198-222). But the student needs also Upham, Salem Witchcraft, and the documents reprinted by Calef, More Wonders, pp. 55-64. 22. Rebecca Nurse, a matron of 71, wife of Francis Nurse, an energetic and prosperous farmer. 23. Mrs. Pope was a woman of good social position and in early middle life; Sarah Bibber (or Vibber), aged 36, a loose-tongued creature, addicted to fits, who with her husband seems to have "worked out"; Mercy (not Mary) Lewes, a maid in the family of Thomas Putnam, whose wife and twelve-year-old daughter, both named Ann, were also to have a leading part among "the afflicted." "Doctor Griggs' maid," Elizabeth Hubbard, aged 17, was a niece of his wife. It was probably Dr. Griggs, the physician of the Village, who had first pronounced the girls bewitched. 24. Martha Corey, wife of Giles Corey. She too was advanced in years. 25. For the official report of this examination, as of those to follow and for all the legal documents connected with these cases, the student must of course turn to the publications embodying such court records (see p. 151, above). Those of Goodwife Corey's case may be found in Woodward's Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 50-60. Especially interesting is the evidence as to her rational attitude: "shee told us," testify those who went to arrest her, "that shee did not thinke that there were any witches." They add that it "was said of her that shee would open the eyes of the magistrates and ministers." 26. The Rev. Nicholas Noyes, minister at Salem town. 27. John Hathorne, or Hawthorne, a magistrate of the colony, and, as a member of the highest court, a local magistrate as well, had his home on his farm in Salem Village and must have known personally all these neighbors. It must be remembered, and may well be pointed out here, that Massachusetts magistrates were not men trained to the law, but only respected laymen. 28. Putnam: this misspelling was common. 29. Jonathan Corwin was, like Hathorne, a member of the Court of Assistants, the highest legislative and judicial body of the colony, and like him the son of one of its founders. They were the men of highest note in the Salem region. Corwin lived in the town. 30. Of Beverly. As to him see p. 397, below. 31. What drew Mr. Lawson away from the examinations was doubtless the need to complete his preparation for the important sermon of that day; and it must have been this on which he was pondering when (as he records a few lines later) the shrieks of the afflicted reached him as he walked, "a little distance from the meeting-house." That sermon was, however, no extempore production, but a studied disquisition on the power and malice of the Devil, who "Contracts and Indents with Witches and Wizzards, that they shall be the Instruments by whom he may more secretly Affect and Afflict the Bodies and Minds of others." "And the Devil," taught Lawson, committing himself wholly to belief in the worth of that "spectral evidence" which was to play such a part in the Salem episode, "having them in his subjection, by their Consent, he will use their Bodies and Minds, Shapes and Representations, to Affright and Afflict others at his pleasure." The magistrates were present at the sermon; and to them he dedicated the sermon when, in the following year, he gave it to the press under the title of Christ's Fidelity the only Shield against Satan's Malignity. A second edition was printed under his eye at London in 1704 (see p. 149, above). 32. Sarah Good, who with Sarah Osburn and Parris's slave-woman Tituba had been examined and committed to jail on March 1, before Lawson's visit (see p. 343, below). 33. Little Dorcas Good, thus sent to prison "as hale and well as other children," lay there seven or eight months, and "being chain'd in the dungeon was so hardly used and terrifyed" that eighteen years later her father alleged "that she hath ever since been very chargeable, haveing little or no reason to govern herself." See his petition for damages, September 13, 1710 (printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXXV. 253 -- the MS. is now in the President White Library at Cornell University). He was allowed œ30. 34. Stephen Sewall, clerk of the courts at Salem, in whose home the Rev. Mr. Parris had now placed his daughter Elizabeth -- a fact which may have some connection with his being one of the most ardent furtherers of the trials. It was from him that Cotton Mather later asked the materials for his account of them (see p. 206, below). He must, of course, not be confused with his more eminent brother, Samuel Sewall, of Boston, whom we shall soon meet as a judge in the Salem trials. 35. The Rev. John Higginson, the aged senior minister of the church in Salem. 36. Dorcas Good, of course, not Elizabeth Parris. 37. White man. 38. Not Goodwife Corey, but Goodwife Sarah Cloyse, sister of Rebecca Nurse. For an explanation of the slammed door, see p. 346, below. Remarks of things more than ordinary about the Afflicted Persons. 1. They are in their Fits tempted to be Witches, are shewed the List of the Names of others, and are tortured, because they will not yield to Subscribe, or meddle with, or touch the Book, and are promised to have present Relief if they would do it. 2. They did in the Assembly mutually Cure each other, even with a Touch of their Hand, when Strangled, and otherwise Tortured; and would endeavour to get to their Afflicted, to Relieve them. 3. They did also foretel when anothers Fit was a-coming, and would say, "Look to her! she will have a Fit presently," which fell out accordingly, as many can bear witness, that heard and saw it. 4. That at the same time, when the Accused Person was present, the Afflicted Persons saw her Likeness in other places of the Meeting-House, suckling her Familiar, sometimes in one place and posture, and sometimes in another. 5. That their Motions in their Fits are Preternatural, both as to the manner, which is so strange as a well person could not Screw their Body into; and as to the violence also it is preternatural, being much beyond the Ordinary force of the same person when they are in their right mind. 6. The eyes of some of them in their fits are exceeding fast closed, and if you ask a question they can give no answer, and I do believe they cannot hear at that time, yet do they plainely converse with the Appearances, as if they did discourse with real persons. 7. They are utterly pressed against any persons Praying with them, and told by the appearances, they shall not go to Prayer, so Tho. Putmans wife was told, I should not Pray; but she said, I should: and after I had done, reasoned with the Appearance, "Did not I say he should go to Prayer?" 8. The forementioned Mary W.39 being a little better at ease, the Afflicted persons said, she had signed the book; and that was the reason she was better. Told me by Edward Putman.40 Notes 39. Walcot. 40. Deacon Edward Putnam, a pillar of the village church, was brother and close neighbor to Thomas Putnam, whose wife, daughter, and maid were leaders among "the afflicted." Remarks concerning the Accused. 1. For introduction to the discovery of those that afflicted them, It is reported Mr. Parris's Indian Man and Woman made a Cake of Rye Meal, and the Childrens water, baked it in the Ashes, and gave it to a Dogge, since which they have discovered, and seen particular persons hurting of them. 2. In Time of Examination, they seemed little affected, though all the Spectators were much grieved to see it. 3. Natural Actions in them produced Preternatural actions in theAfflicted, so that they are their own Image without any Poppits of Waxor otherwise.41 4. That they are accused to have a Company about 23 or 24 and they didMuster in Armes, as it seemed to the Afflicted Persons. 5. Since they were confined, the Persons have not been so muchAfflicted with their appearing to them, Biteing or Pinching of them,etc. 6. They are reported by the Afflicted Persons to keep dayes of Fastand dayes of Thanksgiving, and Sacraments;. Satan endeavours toTransforme himself to an Angel of Light, and to make his Kingdom andAdministrations to resemble those of our Lord Jesus Christ. 7. Satan Rages Principally amongst the Visible Subjects of Christ'sKingdom and makes use (at least in appearance) of some of them toAfflict others; that Christ's Kingdom may be divided against it self,and so be weakened. 8. Several things used in England at Tryal of Witches, to the Numberof 14 or 15, which are wont to pass instead of or in Concurrence withWitnesses, at least 6 or 7 of them are found in these accused: seeKeebles Statutes.42 9. Some of the most solid Alflicted Persons do affirme the same thingsconcerning seeing the accused out of their Fitts as well as in them. 10. The Witches had a Fast, and told one of the Afflicted Girles, shemust not Eat, because it was Fast Day, she said, she would: they toldher they would Choake her then; which when she did eat, wasendeavoured. Finis. Notes 41]I. e.,these witches have no need, as do others (see p.104), to make images, or puppets, in the likeness of those they wishto torment, and then by torturing the puppets to inflict the sametortures on those they represent: these witches have only to act, andtheir victims are preternaturally compelled to the same action. 42]What is meant is clearly not the collection of English statutescompiled by Joseph Keeble, or Keble, (1632-1710). Often printed (1676,1681, 1684, 1695, 1706), this seems to have been standard in the colonies as at home;but it contains absolutely nothing but the text of the statutes inforce, "with the titles of such as are expired, repealed,altered, or out of use," and at the end an analytical table ofsubjects." The work really meant is Keble's An Assistance to Justices of the Peace (London,1683, 1689). This work, however, borrows its pages on witchcraft (pp.217-220) from the older manuals of Lambarde, West, and Dalton; and thepassage in question is one compiled by Michael Dalton, for the latereditions of his The Countrey Justice, fromThomas Potts's Discoverie of Witches (1613)and Richard Barnard's Guide to Grand-Jury Men(1627). For aid in this identification, and for a transcript of thesepages from the Harvard copy of Keble, the editor is indebted to Mr.David M. Matteson. LETTER OF THOMAS BRATTLE, F. R. S., 1692 INTRODUCTION From that April day when Mr. Lawson closed his account it was long before another eye-witness undertook a narrative. Yet great things were doing. At Salem accusation and hearing went on apace, and the jails grew crowded, awaiting the session of a court. On May 14 arrived from England President Increase Mather, bringing the new charter, and with him the new governor, Sir William Phips. What the governor thought of the emergency and how he dealt with it we shall presently learn from his own pen. But other pens were earlier busy. Perhaps the most notable was that of Thomas Brattle, who early in October addressed the following letter to some clerical correspondent. Who this divine may have been whose questions the letter answers is unknown: our document is not the original, but a copy without superscription, and from its contents we can infer no more than that he lived or had lived in the colony. But Thomas Brattle we know well. "He was," wrote President Leverett of Harvard at his death, "a gentleman by his birth and education of the first order in this country." Born at Boston, in 1658, of wealthy parentage, a graduate and a master of arts of Harvard, then a traveller and a student abroad, he won such distinction as a mathematician, and notably as an astronomer, as to be made a member of the Royal Society, and was in close touch with the world of scholars; but his career was that of an opulent and cultivated Boston merchant, and for twenty years, from 1693 to his death in 1713, he was treasurer of Harvard College. "In the Church," said of him the Boston News-Letter, "he was known and valued for his Catholick Charity to all of the reformed Religion, but more especially his great Veneration for the Church of England, although his general and more constant communion was with the Nonconformists." In other words, he was of the liberal party in religion and politics, an eminent opponent of the Puritan theocracy, and he did not escape the epithets "apostate" and "infidel." The letter here printed did not see print in his own day; but that the present copy exists suggests that it may have been meant to circulate inmanuscript,43 and it is not impossible that it was even written for that purpose. Yet if so, we may be sure it was used with discretion. It was his grand-nephew, the then well-known Thomas Brattle, Esq., of Cambridge, who late in the eighteenth century communicated it to the Massachusetts Historical Society.44 From that manuscript copy it is here reprinted. Notes 43. The suggestion is that of Sibley, in his sketch of Brattle's life (Harvard Graduates, II. 489-498), the best summary of what is known of him. That the extant copy is without superscription, and signed by initials only, may point to such a use. It must not be forgotten that it was written on the eve of the session of the General Court. 44. It was first published in that society's Collections, V. 61-79. LETTER OF THOMAS BRATTLE, F. R. S., 1692 October 8, 1692. Reverend Sir, Your's I received the other day, and am very ready to serve you to my uttmost. I should be very loath to bring myself into any snare by my freedom with you, and therefore hope that you will put the best construction on what I write, and secure me from such as would interprett my lines otherwise than they are designed. Obedience to lawfull authority I evermore accounted a great duty; and willingly I would not practise any thing that might thwart and contradict such a principle. Too many are ready to despise dominions, and speak evil of Dignities; and I am sure the mischiefs, which arise from a factious and rebellious spirit, are very sad and notorious; insomuch that I would sooner bite my finger's ends than willingly cast dirt on authority, or any way offer reproach to it: Far, therefore, be it from me, to have any thing to do with those men your letter mentions, whom you acknowledge to be men of a factious spirit, and never more in their element than when they are declaiming against men in public place, and contriving methods that tend to the disturbance of the common peace. I never accounted it a credit to my cause, to have the good liking of such men. My son! (says Solomon) fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. Prov. xxiv. 21. However, Sir, I never thought Judges infallible; but reckoned that they, as well as private men, might err; and that when they were guilty of erring, standers by, who possibly had not half their judgment, might, notwithstanding, be able to detect and behold their errors. And furthermore, when errors of that nature are thus detected and observed, I never thought it an interfering with dutifullness and subjection for one man to communicate his thoughts to another thereabout; and with modesty and due reverence to debate the premised failings; at least, when errours are fundamental, and palpably pervert the great end of authority and government: for as to circumstantial errours, I must confesse my principle is, that it is the duty of a good subject to cover with his silence a multitude of them. But I shall no longer detain you with my preface, but passe to some things you look for, and whether you expect such freedome from me, yea or no, yet shall you find, that I am very open to communicate my thoughts unto you, and in plain terms to tell you what my opinion is of the Salem proceedings. First, as to the method which the Salem Justices do take in their examinations, it is truly this: A warrant being issued out to apprehend the persons that are charged and complained of by the afflicted children, (as they are called); said persons are brought before the Justices, (the afflicted being present.) The Justices ask the apprehended why they afflict those poor children; to which the apprehended answer, they do not afflict them. The Justices order the apprehended to look upon the said children, which accordingly they do; and at the time of that look, (I dare not say by that look, as the Salem Gentlemen do) the afflicted are cast into a fitt. The apprehended are then blinded, and ordered to touch the afflicted; and at that touch, tho' not by the touch, (as above) the afflicted ordinarily do come out of their fitts. The afflicted persons then declare and affirm, that the apprehended have afflicted them; upon which the apprehended persons, tho' of never so good repute, are forthwith committed to prison, on suspicion for witchcraft. One of the Salem Justices45 was pleased to tell Mr. Alden,46 (when upon his examination) that truly he had been acquainted with him these many years; and had always accounted him a good man; but indeed now he should be obliged to change his opinion. This, there are more than one or two did hear, and are ready to swear to, if not in so many words, yet as to its natural and plain meaning. He saw reason to change his opinion of Mr. Alden, because that at the time he touched the poor child, the poor child came out of her fitt. I suppose his Honour never made the experiment, whether there was not as much virtue in his own hand, as there was in Mr. Alden's, to cure by a touch. I know a man that will venture two to one with any Salemite whatever, that let the matter be duly managed, and the afflicted person shall come out of her fitt upon the touch of the most religious hand in Salem. It is worthily noted by some, that at some times the afflicted will not presently come out of their fitts upon the touch of the suspected; and then, forsooth, they are ordered by the Justices to grasp hard, harder yet, etc. insomuch that at length the afflicted come out of their fitts; and the reason is very good, because that a touch of any hand, and processe of time, will work the cure; infallibly they will do it, as experience teaches. I cannot but condemn this method of the Justices, of making this touch of the hand a rule to discover witchcraft; because I am fully persuaded that it is sorcery, and a superstitious method, and that which we have no rule for, either from reason or religion. The Salem Justices, at least some of them, do assert, that the cure of the afflicted persons is a natural effect of this touch; and they are so well instructed in the Cartesian philosophy, and in the doctrine of effluvia, that they undertake to give a demonstration how this touch does cure the afflicted persons; and the account they give of it is this; that by this touch, the venemous and malignant particles, that were ejected from the eye, do, by this means, return to the body whence they came, and so leave the afflicted persons pure and whole. I must confesse to you, that I am no small admirer of the Cartesian philosophy; but yet I have not so learned it. Certainly this is a strain that it will by no means allow of. I would fain know of these Salem Gentlemen, but as yet could never know, how it comes about, that if these apprehended persons are witches, and, by a look of the eye, do cast the afflicted into their fitts by poisoning them, how it comes about, I say, that, by a look of their eye, they do not cast others into fitts, and poison others by their looks; and in particular, tender, fearfull women, who often are beheld by them, and as likely as any in the whole world to receive an ill impression from them. This Salem philosophy, some men may call the new philosophy; but I think it rather deserves the name of Salem superstition and sorcery, and it is not fitt to be named in a land of such light as New-England is. I think the matter might be better solved another way; but I shall not make any attempt that way, further than to say, that these afflicted children, (as they are called,) do hold correspondence with the devill, even in the esteem and account of the S. G.;47 for when the black man, i. e. (say these gentlemen,) the Devill, does appear to them, they ask him many questions, and accordingly give information to the inquirer; and if this is not holding correspondence with the devill, and something worse, I know not what is. But furthermore, I would fain know of these Salem Justices what need there is of further proof and evidence to convict and condemn these apprehended persons, than this look and touch, if so be they are so certain that this falling down and arising up, when there is a look and a touch, are natural effects of the said look and touch, and so a perfect demonstration and proof of witchcraft in those persons. What can the Jury or Judges desire more, to convict any man of witchcraft, than a plain demonstration, that the said man is a witch? Now if this look and touch, circumstanced as before, be a plain demonstration, (as their Philosophy teaches,) what need they seek for further evidences, when, after all, it can be but a demonstration? But let this pass with the S. G. for never so plain and natural a demonstration; yet certain is it, that the reasonable part of the world, when acquainted herewith, will laugh at the demonstration, and conclude that the said S. G. are actually possessed, at least, with ignorance and folly. I most admire48 that Mr. N. N.49 the Reverend Teacher at Salem, who was educated at the School of Knowledge, and is certainly a learned, a charitable, and a good man, though all the devils in Hell, and all the possessed girls in Salem, should say to the contrary; at him, (I say,) I do most admire; that he should cry up the above mentioned philosophy after the manner that he does. I can assure you, that I can bring you more than two, or twice two, (very credible persons) that will affirm, that they have heard him vindicate the above mentioned demonstration as very reasonable. Secondly, with respect to the confessours, (as they are improperly called,) or such as confesse themselves to be witches, (the second thing you inquire into in your letter), there are now about fifty of them in Prison; many of which I have again and again seen and heard; and I cannot but tell you, that my faith is strong concerning them, that they are deluded, imposed upon, and under the influence of some evill spirit; and therefore unfitt to be evidences either against themselves, or any one else. I now speak of one sort of them, and of others afterward. These confessours, (as they are called,) do very often contradict themselves, as inconsistently as is usual for any crazed, distempered person to do. This the S. G. do see and take notice of; and even the Judges themselves have, at some times, taken these confessours in flat lyes, or contradictions, even in the Courts; By reason of which, one would have thought, that the Judges would have frowned upon the said confessours, discarded them, and not minded one tittle of any thing that they said; but instead thereof, (as sure as we are men,) the Judges vindicate these confessours, and salve their contradictions, by proclaiming, that the Devill takes away their memory, and imposes upon their brain. If this reflects any where, I am very sorry for it: I can but assure you, that, upon the word of an honest man, it is truth, and that I can bring you many credible persons to witnesse it, who have been eye and ear wittnesses to these things. These confessours then, at least some of them, even in the Judges' own account, are under the influence of the Devill; and the brain of these Confessours is imposed upon by the Devill, even in the Judges' account. But now, if, in the Judges' account, these confessours are under the influence of the Devill, and their brains are affected and imposed upon by the Devill, so that they are not their own men, why then should these Judges, or any other men, make such account of, and set so much by, the words of these Confessours, as they do? In short, I argue thus: If the Devill does actually take away the memory of them at some times, certainly the Devill, at other times, may very reasonably be thought to affect their fancyes, and to represent false ideas to their imagination. But now, if it be thus granted, that the Devill is able to represent false ideas (to speak vulgarly) to the imaginations of the confessours, what man of sense will regard the confessions, or any of the words, of these confessours? The great cry of many of our neighbours now is, What, will you not believe the confessours? Will you not believe men and women who confesse that they have signed to the Devill's book? that they were baptized by the Devill; and that they were at the mock-sacrament once and again? What! will you not believe that this is witchcraft, and that such and such men are witches, altho' the confessours do own and assert it? Thus, I say, many of our good neighbours do argue; but methinks they might soon be convinced that there is nothing at all in all these their arguings, if they would but duly consider of the premises. In the mean time, I think we must rest satisfyed in it, and be thankfull to God for it, that all men are not thus bereft of their senses; but that we have here and there considerate and thinking men, who will not thus be imposed upon, and abused, by the subtle endeavours of the crafty one. In the next place, I proceed to the form of their inditements, and the Trials thereupon. The Inditement runs for sorcery and witchcraft, acted upon the body of such an one, (say M. Warren), at such a particular time, (say April 14, '92,) and at divers other times before and after, whereby the said M. W. is wasted and consumed, pined, etc. Now for the proof of the said sorcery and witchcraft, the prisoner at the bar pleading not guilty. 1. The afflicted persons are brought into Court; and after much patience and pains taken with them, do take their oaths, that the prisoner at the bar did afflict them: And here I think it very observable, that often, when the afflicted do mean and intend only the appearance and shape of such an one, (say G. Proctour) yet they positively swear that G. Proctour did afflict them; and they have been allowed so to do; as tho' there was no real difference between G. Proctour and the shape of G. Proctour. This, methinks, may readily prove a stumbling block to the Jury, lead them into a very fundamental errour, and occasion innocent blood, yea the innocentest blood imaginable, to be in great danger. Whom it belongs unto, to be eyes unto the blind, and to remove such stumbling blocks, I know full well; and yet you and every one else, do know as well as I who do not.50 2. The confessours do declare what they know of the said prisoner; and some of the confessours are allowed to give their oaths; a thing which I believe was never heard of in this world; that such as confesse themselves to be witches, to have renounced God and Christ, and all that is sacred, should yet be allowed and ordered to swear by the name of the great God! This indeed seemeth to me to be a grosse taking of God's name in vain. I know the S. G. do say, that there is hopes that the said Confessours have repented; I shall only say, that if they have repented, it is well for themselves; but if they have not, it is very ill for you know who. But then, 3. Whoever can be an evidence against the prisoner at the bar is ordered to come into Court; and here it scarce ever fails but that evidences, of one nature and another, are brought in, tho', I think, all of them altogether aliene to the matter of inditement; for they none of them do respect witchcraft upon the bodyes of the afflicted, which is the alone matter of charge in the inditement. 4. They are searched by a Jury; and as to some of them, the Jury brought in, that [on] such or such a place there was a preternatural excrescence. And I wonder what person there is, whether man or woman, of whom it cannot be said but that, in some part of their body or other, there is a preternatural excrescence. The term is a very general and inclusive term. Some of the S. G. are very forward to censure and condemn the poor prisoner at the bar, because he sheds no tears: but such betray great ignorance in the nature of passion, and as great heedlessnesse as to common passages of a man's life. Some there are who never shed tears; others there are that ordinarily shed tears upon light occasions, and yet for their lives cannot shed a tear when the deepest sorrow is upon their hearts; and who is there that knows not these things? Who knows not that an ecstasye of Joy will sometimes fetch teares, when as the quite contrary passion will shutt them close up? Why then should any be so silly and foolish as to take an argument from this appearance? But this is by the by. In short, the prisoner at the bar is indited for sorcery and witchcraft acted upon the bodyes of the afflicted. Now, for the proof of this, I reckon that the only pertinent evidences brought in are the evidences of the said afflicted. It is true, that over and above the evidences of the afflicted persons, there are many evidences brought in, against the prisoner at the bar; either that he was at a witch meeting, or that he performed things which could not be done by an ordinary natural power; or that she sold butter to a saylor, which proving bad at sea, and the seamen exclaiming against her, she appeared, and soon after there was a storm, or the like. But what if there were ten thousand evidences of this nature; how do they prove the matter of inditement! And if they do not reach the matter of inditement, then I think it is clear, that the prisoner at the bar is brought in guilty, and condemned, merely from the evidences of the afflicted persons. The S. G. will by no means allow, that any are brought in guilty, and condemned, by virtue of spectre Evidence, (as it is called,) i. e. the evidence of these afflicted persons, who are said to have spectral eyes; but whether it is not purely by virtue of these spectre evidences, that these persons are found guilty, (considering what before has been said,) I leave you, and any man of sense, to judge and determine. When any man is indited for murthering the person of A. B. and all the direct evidence be, that the said man pistolled the shadow of the said A. B. tho' there be never so many evidences that the said person murthered C. D., E. F. and ten more persons, yet all this will not amount to a legal proof, that he murthered A. B.; and upon that inditement, the person cannot be legally brought in guilty of the said inditement; it must be upon this supposition, that the evidence of a man's pistolling the shadow of A. B. is a legal evidence to prove that the said man did murther the person of A. B. Now no man will be so much out of his witts as to make this a legal evidence; and yet this seems to be our case; and how to apply it is very easy and obvious. As to the late executions,51 I shall only tell you, that in the opinion of many unprejudiced, considerate and considerable spectatours, some of the condemned went out of the world not only with as great protestations, but also with as good shews of innocency, as men could do. They protested their innocency as in the presence of the great God, whom forthwith they were to appear before: they wished, and declared their wish, that their blood might be the last innocent blood shed upon that account. With great affection52 they intreated Mr. C. M.53 to pray with them: they prayed that God would discover what witchcrafts were among us; they forgave their accusers; they spake without reflection on Jury and Judges, for bringing them in guilty, and condemning them: they prayed earnestly for pardon for all other sins, and for an interest in the pretious blood of our dear Redeemer; and seemed to be very sincere, upright, and sensible of their circumstances on all accounts; especially Proctor and Willard, whose whole management of themselves, from the Goal to the Gallows, and whilst at the Gallows, was very affecting and melting to the hearts of some considerable Spectatours, whom I could mention to you: -- but they are executed, and so I leave them. Many things I cannot but admire and wonder at, an account of which I shall here send you. And 1. I do admire that some particular persons, and particularly Mrs. Thatcher of Boston,54 should be much complained of by the afflicted persons, and yet that the Justices should never issue out their warrants to apprehend them, when as upon the same account they issue out their warrants for the apprehending and imprisoning many others. This occasions much discourse and many hot words, and is a very great scandal and stumbling block to many good people; certainly distributive Justice should have its course, without respect to persons; and altho' the said Mrs. Thatcher be mother in law to Mr. Corwin,55 who is one of the Justices and Judges, yet if Justice and conscience do oblige them to apprehend others on the account of the afflicted their complaints, I cannot see how, without injustice and violence to conscience, Mrs. Thatcher can escape, when it is well known how much she is, and has been, complained of. 2. I cannot but admire that Mr. H. U.56 (whom we all think innocent,) should yet be apprehended on this account, and ordered to prison, by a mittimus under Mr. Lynd's57 his hand, and yet that he should be suffered, for above a fortnight, to be in a private house; and after that, to quitt the house, the town, and the Province, and yet that authority should not take effectual notice of it. Methinks that same Justice, that actually imprisoned others, and refused bail for them on any terms, should not be satisfyed without actually imprisoning Mr. U. and refusing bail for him, when his case is known to be the very same with the case of those others. If he may be suffered to go away, why may not others? If others may not be suffered to go, how in Justice can he be allowed herein? 3. If our Justices do think that Mrs. C.58 Mr. E.59 and hiswife, Mr. A.60 and others, were capital offenders, and justly imprisoned on a capital account, I do admire that the said Justices should hear of their escape from prison, and where they are gone and entertained, and yet not send forthwith to the said places,61 for the surrendering of them, that Justice might be done them. In other Capitalls62 this has been practised; why then is it not practised in this case, if really judged to be so heinous as is made for? 4. I cannot but admire, that any should go with their distempered friends and relations to the afflicted children, to know what their distempered friends ayl; whether they are not bewitched; who it is that afflicts them, and the like. It is true, I know no reason why these afflicted may not be consulted as well as any other, if so be that it was only their natural and ordinary knowledge that was had recourse to: but it is not on this notion that these afflicted children are sought unto; but as they have a supernatural knowledge; a knowledge which they obtain by their holding correspondence with spectres or evill spirits, as they themselves grant. This consulting of these afflicted children, as abovesaid, seems to me to be a very grosse evill, a real abomination, not fitt to be known in N.E.63 and yet is a thing practised, not only by Tom and John -- I mean the ruder and more ignorant sort -- but by many who professe high, and passe among us for some of the better sort. This is that which aggravates the evil, and makes it heinous and tremendous; and yet this is not the worst of it, for, as sure as I now write to you, even some of our civil leaders, and spiritual teachers, who, (I think,) should punish and preach down such sorcery and wickedness, do yet allow of, encourage, yea, and practise this very abomination. I know there are several worthy Gentlemen in Salem, who account this practise as an abomination, have trembled to see the methods of this nature which others have used, and have declared themselves to think the practise to be very evill and corrupt; but all avails little with the abettours of the said practice. A person from Boston, of no small note, carried up his child to Salem, (near 20 miles,) on purpose that he might consult the afflicted about his child; which accordingly he did; and the afflicted told him, that his child was afflicted by Mrs. Cary and Mrs. Obinson.64 The man returned to Boston, and went forthwith to the Justices for a warrant to seise the said Obinson, (the said Cary being out of the way); but the Boston Justices saw reason to deny a warrant. The Rev. Mr. I. M.65 of Boston, took occasion severely to reprove the said man; asking him whether there was not a God in Boston, that he should go to the Devill in Salem for advice; warning him very seriously against such naughty practices; which, I hope, proved to the conviction and good of the said person; if not, his blood will be upon his own head. This consulting of these afflicted children, about their sick, was the unhappy begining of the unhappy troubles at poor Andover: Horse and man were sent up to Salem Village, from the said Andover, for some of the said afflicted; and more than one or two of them were carried down to see Ballard'swife,66 and to tell who it was that did afflict her. I understand that the said B. took advice before he took this method; but what pity was it, that he should meet with, and hearken to such bad Counsellours? Poor Andover does now rue the day that ever the said afflicted went among them; they lament their folly, and are an object of great pity and commiseration. Capt. B.67and Mr. St.68 are complained of by the afflicted, have left the town, and do abscond. Deacon Fry's wife, Capt'n Osgood's wife, and some others, remarkably pious and good people in repute, are apprehended and imprisoned; and that that is more admirable, the forementioned women are become a kind of confessours, being first brought thereto by the urgings and arguings of their good husbands, who, having taken up that corrupt and highly pernicious opinion, that whoever were accused by the afflicted, were guilty, did break charity with their dear wives, upon their being accused, and urge them to confesse their guilt; which so far prevailed with them as to make them say, they were afraid of their being in the snare of the Devill; and which, through the rude and bar barous methods * that were afterwards used at Salem, issued in somewhat plainer degrees of confession, and was attended with imprisonment. The good Deacon and Captain are now sensible of the errour they were in; do grieve and mourn bitterly, that they should break their charity with their wives, and urge them to confesse themselves witches. They now see and acknowledge their rashnesse and uncharitablenesse, and are very fitt objects for the pity and prayers of every good Christian. Now I am writing concerning Andover, I cannot omit the opportunity of sending you this information; that Whereas there is a report spread abroad the country, how that they were much addicted to Sorcery in the said town, and that there were fourty men in it that could raise the Devill as well as any astrologer, and the like; after the best search that I can make into it, it proves a mere slander, and a very unrighteous imputation. The Rev'd Elders of the said place were much surprized upon their hearing of the said Report, and faithfully made inquiry about it; but the whole of naughtiness, that they could discover and find out, was only this, that two or three girls had foolishly made use of the sieve and scissors,70 as children have done in other towns. This method of the girls I do not Justifye in any measure; but yet I think it very hard and unreasonable, that a town should lye under the blemish and scandal of sorceryes and conjuration, merely for the inconsiderate practices of two or three girls in the said town. 5. I cannot but admire that the Justices, whom I think to be well-meaning men, should so far give ear to the Devill, as merely upon his authority to issue out their warrants, and apprehend people. Liberty was evermore accounted the great priviledge of an Englishman; but certainly, if the Devill will be heard against us, and his testimony taken, to the siezing and apprehending of us, our liberty vanishes, and we are fools if we boast of our liberty. Now, that the Justices have thus far given ear to the Devill, I think may be mathematically demonstrated to any man of common sense: And for the demonstration and proof hereof, I desire, only, that these two things may be duly considered, viz. 1. That several persons have been apprehended purely upon the complaints of these afflicted, to whom the afflicted were perfect strangers, and had not the least knowledge of imaginable, before they were apprehended. 2. That the afflicted do own and assert, and the Justices do grant, that the Devill does inform and tell the afflicted the names of those persons that are thus unknown unto them. Now these two things being duly considered, I think it will appear evident to any one, that the Devill's information is the fundamental testimony that is gone upon in the apprehending of the aforesaid people. If I believe such or such an assertion as comes immediately from the Minister of God in the pulpitt, because it is the word of the everliving God, I build my faith on God's testimony: and if I practise upon it, this my practice is properly built on the word of God: even so in the case before us, If I believe the afflicted persons as informed by the Devill, and act thereupon, this my act may properly be said to be grounded upon the testimony or information of the Devill. And now, if things are thus, I think it ought to be for a lamentation to you and me, and all such as would be accounted good Christians. If any should see the force of this argument, and upon it say, (as I heard a wise and good Judge once propose,) that they know not but that God almighty, or a good spirit, does give this information to these afflicted persons; I make answer thereto, and say, that it is most certain that it is neither almighty God, nor yet any good Spirit, that gives this information; and my Reason is good, because God is a God of truth; and the good Spirits will not lye; whereas these informations have several times proved false, when the accused were brought before the afflicted. 6. I cannot but admire that these afflicted persons should be so much countenanced and encouraged in their accusations as they are: I often think of the Groton woman, that was afflicted, an account of which we have in print, and is a most certain truth, not to be doubted of.71 I shall only say, that there was as much ground, in the hour of it, to countenance the said Groton woman, and to apprehend and imprison, on her accusations, as there is now to countenance these afflicted persons, and to apprehend and imprison on their accusations. But furthermore, it is worthy of our deepest consideration, that in the conclusion, (after multitudes have been imprisoned, and many have been put to death,) these afflicted persons should own that all was a mere fancy and delusion of the Devill's, as the Groton woman did own and acknowledge with respect to herself; if, I say, in after times, this be acknowledged by them, how can the Justices, Judges, or any else concerned in these matters, look back upon these things without the greatest of sorrow and grief imaginable? I confesse to you, it makes me tremble when I seriously consider of this thing. I have heard that the chief judge72 has expressed himself very hardly of the accused woman at Groton, as tho' he believed her to be a witch to this day; but by such as knew the said woman, this is judged a very uncharitable opinion of the said Judge, and I do not understand that any are proselyted thereto. Rev'd Sir, these things I cannot but admire and wonder at. Now, if so be it is the effect of my dullness that I thus admire, I hope you will pity, not censure me: but if, on the contrary, these things are just matter of admiration, I know that you will join with me in expressing your admiration hereat. The chief Judge is very zealous in these proceedings, and says, he is very clear as to all that hath as yet been acted by this Court, and, as far as ever I could perceive, is very impatient in hearing any thing that looks another way. I very highly honour and reverence the wisdome and integrity of the said Judge, and hope that this matter shall not diminish my veneration for his honour; however, I cannot but say, my great fear is, that wisdome and counsell are withheld from his honour as to this matter, which yet I look upon not so much as a Judgment to his honour as to this poor land. But altho' the Chief Judge, and some of the other Judges, be very zealous in these proceedings, yet this you may take for a truth, that there are several about the Bay, men for understanding, Judgment, and Piety, inferiour to few, (if any,) in N. E. that do utterly condemn the said proceedings, and do freely deliver their Judgment in the case to be this, viz. that these methods will utterly ruine and undoe poor N. E. I shall nominate some of these to you, viz. The hon'ble Simon Bradstreet, Esq. (our late Governor); the hon'ble Thomas Danforth, Esq. (our late Deputy Governor); the Rev'd Mr. Increase Mather, and the Rev'd Mr. Samuel Willard. Major N. Saltonstall, Esq. who was one of the Judges, has left the Court, and is very much dissatisfyed with the proceedings of it. Excepting Mr. Hale, Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Parris, the Rev'd Elders, almost throughout the whole Country, are very much dissatisfyed. Several of the late Justices, viz. Thomas Graves, Esq. N. Byfield, Esq. Francis Foxcroft, Esq. are much dissatisfyed; also several of the present Justices; and in particular, some of the Boston Justices, were resolved rather to throw up their commissions than be active in disturbing the liberty of their Majesties' subjects, merely on the accusations of these afflicted, possessed children. Finally; the principal Gentlemen in Boston, and thereabout, are generally agreed that irregular and dangerous methods have been taken as to these matters. Sir, I would not willingly lead you into any errour, and therefore would desire you to note, 1. That when I call these afflicted "the afflicted children," I would not be understood as though I meant, that all that are afflicted are children: there are several young men and women that are afflicted, as well as children: but this term has most prevailed among us, because of the younger sort that were first afflicted, and therefore I make use of it. 2. That when I speak of the Salem Gentlemen, I would not be understood as tho' I meant every Individual Gentleman in Salem; nor yet as tho' I meant, that there were no men but in Salem that run upon these notions: some term they must have, and this seems not improper, because in Salem this sort of Gentlemen does most abound. 3. That other Justices in the Country, besides the Salem Justices, have issued out their warrants, and imprisoned, on the accusations of the afflicted as aforesaid; and therefore, when I speak of the Salem Justices, I do not mean them exclusively. 4. That as to the above mentioned Judges, that are commissionated for this Court at Salem, five of them do belong to Suffolk county; four of which five do belong to Boston;73 and therefore I see no reason why Boston should talk of Salem, as tho' their own Judges had had no hand in these proceedings at Salem. Nineteen persons have now been executed, and one pressed to death for a mute: seven more are condemned; two of which are reprieved, because they pretend their being with child; one, viz. Mrs. Bradbury of Salisbury, from the intercession of some friends; and two or three more, because they are confessours.74 The Court is adjourned to the first Tuesday in November, then to be kept at Salem; between this and then will be [the] great assembly,75 and this matter will be a peculiar matter of their agitation. I think it is matter of earnest supplication and prayer to almighty God, that he would afford his gracious presence to the said assembly, and direct them aright in this weighty matter. Our hopes are here; and if, at this Juncture, God does not graciously appear for us, I think we may conclude that N. E. is undone and undone. I am very sensible, that it is irksome and disagreeable to go back, when a man's doing so is an implication that he has been walking in a wrong path: however, nothing is more honourable than, upon due conviction, to retract and undo, (so far as may be,) what has been amiss and irregular. I would hope that, in the conclusion, both the Judges and Justices will see and acknowledge that such were their best friends and advisers as disswaded from the methods which they have taken, tho' hitherto they have been angry with them, and apt to speak very hardly of them. I cannot but highly applaud, and think it our duty to be very thankfull, for the endeavours of several Elders,76 whose lips, (I think,) should preserve knowledge, and whose counsell should, I think, have been more regarded, in a case of this nature, than as yet it has been: in particular, I cannot but think very honourably of the endeavours of a Rev'd person in Boston,77 whose good affection to his countrey in general, and spiritual relation to three of the Judges in particular, has made him very solicitous and industrious in this matter; and I am fully persuaded, that had his notions and proposals been hearkened to, and followed, when these troubles were in their birth, in an ordinary way, they would never have grown unto that heigth which now they have. He has as yet mett with little but unkindness, abuse, and reproach from many men; but I trust that, in after times, his wisdome and service will find a more universal acknowledgment; and if not, his reward is with the Lord. Two or three things I should have hinted to you before, but they slipped my thoughts in their proper place. Many of these afflicted persons, who have scores of strange fitts in a day, yet in the intervals of time are hale and hearty, robust and lusty, as tho' nothing had afflicted them. I Remember that when the chief Judge gave the first Jury their charge, he told them, that they were not to mind whether the bodies of the said afflicted were really pined and consumed, as was expressed in the inditement; but whether the said afflicted did not suffer from the accused such afflictions as naturally tended to their being pined and consumed, wasted, etc. This, (said he,) is a pining and consuming in the sense of the law. I add not. Furthermore: These afflicted persons do say, and often have declared it, that they can see Spectres when their eyes are shutt, as well as when they are open. This one thing I evermore accounted as very observable, and that which might serve as a good key to unlock the nature of these mysterious troubles, if duly improved by us. Can they see Spectres when their eyes are shutt? I am sure they lye, at least speak falsely, if they say so; for the thing, in nature, is an utter impossibility. It is true, they may strongly fancye, or have things represented to their imagination, when their eyes are shutt; and I think this is all which ought to be allowed to these blind, nonsensical girls; and if our officers and Courts have apprehended, imprisoned, condemned, and executed our guiltlesse neighbours, certainly our errour is great, and we shall rue it in the conclusion. There are two or three other things that I have observed in and by these afflicted persons, which make me strongly suspect that the Devill imposes upon their brains, and deludes their fancye and imagination; and that the Devill's book (which they say has been offered them) is a mere fancye of theirs, and no reality: That the witches' meeting, the Devill's Baptism, and mock sacraments, which they oft speak of, are nothing else but the effect of their fancye, depraved and deluded by the Devill, and not a Reality to be regarded or minded by any wise man. And whereas the Confessours have owned and asserted the said meetings, the said Baptism, and mock Sacrament, (which the S. G. and some others, make much account of) I am very apt to think, that, did you know the circumstances of the said Confessours, you would not be swayed thereby, any otherwise than to be confirmed, that all is perfect Devilism, and an Hellish design to ruine and destroy this poor land: For whereas there are of the said Confessours 55 in number, some of them are known to be distracted, crazed women, something of which you may see by a petition lately offered to the chief Judge, a copy whereof I may now send you;78 others of them denyed their guilt, and maintained their innocency for above eighteen hours, after most violent, distracting, and draggooning79 methods had been used with them, to make them confesse. Such methods they were, that more than one of the said confessours did since tell many, with teares in their eyes, that they thought their very lives would have gone out of their bodyes; and wished that they might have been cast into the lowest dungeon, rather than be tortured with such repeated buzzings and chuckings and unreasonable urgings as they were treated withal. They soon recanted their confessions, acknowledging, with sorrow and grief, that it was an hour of great temptation with them; and I am very apt to think, that as for five or six of the said confessours, if they are not very good Christian women, it will be no easy matter to find so many good Christian women in N. E. But, finally, as to about thirty of these fiftyfive Confessours, they are possessed (I reckon) with the Devill, and afflicted as the children are, and therefore not fitt to be regarded as to any thing they say of themselves or others. And whereas the S. G. do say that these confessours made their Confessions before they were afflicted, it is absolutely contrary to universal experience, as far as ever I could understand. It is true, that some of these have made their confession before they had their falling, tumbling fitts, but yet not absolutely before they had any fitts and marks of possession, for (as the S. G. know full well) when these persons were about first confessing, their mouths would be stopped, and their throats affected, as tho' there was danger of strangling, and afterward (it is true) came their tumbling fitts. So that, I say, the confessions of these persons were in the beginning of their fitts, and not truly before their fitts, as the S. G. would make us believe. Thus, (Sir,) I have given you as full a narrative of these matters as readily occurs to my mind, and I think every word of it is matter of fact; the several glosses and descants whereupon, by way of Reasoning, I refer to your Judgment, whether to approve or disapprove. What will be the issue of these troubles, God only knows; I am afraid that ages will not wear off that reproach and those stains which these things will leave behind them upon our land. I pray God pity us, Humble us, Forgive us, and appear mercifully for us in this our mount of distress: Herewith I conclude, and subscribe myself, Reverend Sir, your real friend and humble servant, T. B. Notes 45. Bartholomew Gedney. 46. Captain John Alden, of Boston, son of the John Alden of the Mayflower and of Longfellow's poem. For Alden's own account of this episode see pp. 353-355, below. 47. I. e., Salem gentlemen -- and so hereafter. 48. Marvel, am surprised. 49. Nicholas Noyes. 50. He means, of course, the judges. 51. The names presently mentioned would seem to show that he has especially in mind the executions of August 19, and his words suggest that he was present on this occasion. Those then executed, besides John Proctor and John Willard, were the Rev. George Burroughs, George Jacobs, and Martha Carrier. For two other accounts of their death, both perhaps by eye-witnesses, see below, pp. 360-364. But there had been executions also on June 10, July 19, and September 22. 52. Emotion, earnestness. 53. Cotton Mather. 54. Mrs. Margaret Thacher (1625-1694), widow of the Rev. Thomas Thacher (d. 1678), first minister of the Old South Church. She was the only child of the wealthy Boston merchant Henry Webb, and had been left by a first marriage the widow of Jacob Sheafe, then the richest man in Boston. 55. Jonathan Corwin, of Salem. 56. Hezekiah Usher (1639-1697), a prominent Boston merchant. 57. Doubtless Joseph Lynde (1637-1727), of Charlestown -- since June a member of the Council under the new Mather charter. 58. Mrs. Nathaniel Cary, of Charlestown. See pp. 349-352. 59. Philip English, of Salem. See p. 371 and note 1. 60. John Alden, of Boston. See p. 170, note 2. 61. I. e., to New York. 62. I. e., capital cases. 63. New England. 64. Mrs. Obinson was probably the wife of William Obinson, or Obbinson, a Boston tanner. 65. Increase Mather. 66. Mrs. Joseph Ballard. See below, pp. 371-372; and, for more as to this Andover episode, pp. 241-244, 418-420. The records of the Andover cases are printed by Woodward in his Records of Salem Witchcraft (Roxbury, 1864), and there are chapters on the episode in Abiel Abbot's History of Andover (Andover, 1829) and Sarah Loring Bailey's Historical Sketches of Andover (Boston, 1880). 67. Dudley Bradstreet. See p. 372. 68. Stevens? The conjecture is Mrs. Bailey's (Historical Sketches of Andover, 228). *] You may possibly think that my terms are too severe; but should I tell you what a kind of Blade was employed in bringing these women to their confession; what methods from damnation were taken; with what violence urged; how unseasonably they were kept up; what buzzings and chuckings of the hand were used, and the like, I am sure that you would call them, (as I do), rude and barbarous methods. [Marginal note in the original.] 69. What Brattle may mean by "methods from damnation" is a puzzle to the editor. Perhaps "damnation" is only a euphemism for "hell." Possibly he thinks of that clause in the Massachusetts laws (Body of Liberties of 1641, art. 45; Lawes and Libertyes, 1660, p. 67; 1672, p. 129) which permits a prisoner "in some capital case, when he is first fully convicted by clear and sufficient evidence to be guilty," to be tortured for the discovery of his accomplices, yet not with such tortures as are barbarous and inhuman. What he means by "buzzings and chuckings of the hand," i. e., whisperings and wheedlings, will grow clear if one turn to pp. 374-376, and read what these Andover women themselves tell of the methods used with them. 70. A mode of divination much in vogue in New England as in Old. Called also "sieve and shears" or "riddle and shears": the learned name is coscinomancy. 71. "The Groton woman" was Elizabeth Knapp, and the "account in print" probably that of Increase Mather reprinted above, pp. 21-23, though possibly Willard's sermon (see p. 21, note 4) is meant. 72. William Stoughton, the new lieutenant-governor. He had been educated for the ministry in the Harvard class of 1650, and went to England, where he preached for some ten years, receiving meanwhile at Oxford his mastership in arts and the honor of a fellowship; but, ejected at the Restoration, he returned to New England, and there, though counted an able preacher, declined a settlement and drifted into public life. He seems to have set store by his learning in theology, and to the end to have maintained the Devil's impotence to personate by a spectre any but a guilty witch. As to his career see the careful study by Sibley, in his Harvard Graduates (I. 194-208). 73. See p. 355. Richards, Sargent, Sewall, Winthrop, were of Boston; Stoughton of Dorchester, close by. Only Gedney was of Salem, till Corwin was called in to replace Saltonstall (who was of Haverhill). 74. As to all these see below, pp. 360-374. 75. The General Court. It convened on October 12. Its attitude as to the Salem trials is thus tersely intimated in Judge Sewall's diary: "Oct. 26, 1692. A Bill is sent in about calling a Fast and Convocation of Ministers, that [we] may be led in the right way as to the Witchcrafts. The season and manner of doing it, is such, that the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed. 29 Nos and 33 yeas to the Bill." The bill itself has been printed (from the Mass. Archives, XI. 70) by G. H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (n. s., II. 172); and that those of Brattle's mind had not relied alone on prayer to influence the assembly may be seen by the petition printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55, and in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 246 (see also Proceedings, n. s., II. 171 ). 76. The ministers, now practically the only "elders." 77. It has been generally assumed, and with reason, that this "Rev'd person" was the Rev. Samuel Willard. Three of the judges (Sargent, Sewall, and Winthrop) were members of his church (the Old South), and, unless one suspect Brattle of intent to mislead, "spiritual relation" must here mean a pastor's. The phrase "good affection to the country" suggests, too, one who, like Willard, shared Brattle's political views. We have seen already (p. 23) what caution in 1671 he used in the case of Elizabeth Knapp; and, if the "notions and proposals" meant by Brattle are now lost, we have from his pen what puts his position in 1692 beyond all question -- a little dialogue, published anonymously while the troubles were at their height, which with fairness and courtesy, but with striking clearness and boldness, argues against the iniquity of the procedure. Its title runs: Some Miscellany Observations on our Present Debates respecting Witchcrafts, in a Dialogue between S. and B. By P. E. and J. A. Philadelphia, Printed by William Bradford, for Hezekiah Usher. 1692. "S." and "B." undoubtedly mean Salem and Boston. Philadelphia and Bradford probably had as little to do with the book (the type is not Bradford's) as did Hezekiah Usher, P. E. (Philip English), or J. A. (John Alden), three notable fugitives from Salem justice. All alike were merely remote enough to bear in safety the imputation of such a book. John Alden and Hezekiah Usher were members of Willard's church; and Philip English and his wife he visited while in custody at Boston, and probably was a party to their escape. At least the Rev. William Bentley, of Salem, recording in his diary, May 21, 1793, what their great-granddaughter Susanna Hathorne had told him, relates that Willard and Moodey "visited them and invited them to the public worship on the day before they were to return to Salem for trial. Their text was that they that are persecuted in one city, let them flee to another. After Meeting the Ministers visited them at the Gaol, and asked them whether they took notice of the discourse, and told them their danger and urged them to escape since so many had suffered. Mr. English replied, `God will not permit them to touch me.' Mrs. English said: `Do you not think the sufferers innocent?' He (Moody) said `Yes.' She then added, `Why may we not suffer also?' The Ministers then told him if he would not carry his wife away they would." (Quoted by R. D. Paine, in his Ships and Sailors of Old Salem, from Bentley's privately printed diary, which seems to give the tale in a more primitive form than his letter to Alden, in the Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, X.) "It ought never to be forgotten," said Willard's colleague, Ebenezer Pemberton, preaching in 1707 his funeral sermon, "with what Prudence, Courage and Zeal he appeared for the Good of this People in that Dark and Mysterious Season when we were assaulted from the Invisible World. And how singularly Instrumental he was in discovering the Cheats and Delusions of Satan, which did threaten to stain our Land with Blood and to deluge it with all manner of Woes." True, Judge Sewall, mentioning in 1696 (Diary, I. 433) Willard's sermon at the day of public prayer, says that he spake smartly "at last" about the Salem witchcraft; but "at last" here means "at the end," "as the peroration of his sermon." It is clearly Willard whom Cotton Mather has especially in mind when in his life of Phips and again in his Magnalia (bk. II., p. 62) he sets forth the views of those "who from the beginning were very much dissatisfied with these proceedings," having "already known of one at the Town of Groton" who had falsely accused a neighbor. The strange suggestion of W. F. Poole that Brattle here means Cotton Mather himself, is adequately answered by Upham, in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather. 78. The paper meant is doubtless that printed at pp. 374-375, below. 79. The attempt of Louis XIV. to force his Protestant subjects to abandon their faith by turning loose his dragoons upon them had already furnished the English language with this new word. LETTERS OF GOVERNOR PHIPS TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT, 1692-1693 INTRODUCTION Sir William Phips, who arrived in May as the royal governor under the new charter, was no stranger to New England. Born in 1651 at a hamlet on the Maine coast, just beyond the Kennebec, where his father, a Bristol gunsmith, had become a settler, he had early turned from sheep-herding to ship-carpentry, and then coming up to Boston, where at twenty-two he first learned to read and write, he had by thrift become the master of a vessel and had found a path to fortune in the rescue of lost treasure from Spanish galleons sunken in West Indian waters. These ventures had brought him into partnership with some of the most powerful of English nobles, and even with royalty itself, and his sturdy honesty (or perhaps a wise use of his wealth) won him from the King in 1687 the honor of knighthood and in 1688 appointment as high sheriff of New England. The hostility of Governor Andros brought the sheriffship to nothing; but the English revolution overturned Andros in 1689, and the emancipated colonies made Sir William head of the expedition that conquered Nova Scotia, and then sent him with another against Quebec. Meanwhile President Increase Mather was laboring in England, as the agent of Massachusetts, for the restoration of the ancient charter; and when Sir William (who during his absence had, as his son's convert, become a member of his church) turned up there too, and just in time to support him against the other New England commissioners in accepting from the King what could be got, though not what could be wished, he was the natural nominee for the new governorship. But the new governor was little trained for such an emergency as awaited him in New England. What more natural in such a crisis, which to the thought of that day seemed to need the divine more than the statesman, than to turn for counsel to his pastor and patron, or to his colleague the new lieutenant-governor,80 who had enjoyed precisely that training in theology which seemed now his own chief lack? Stoughton was made chief justice of a special court created by the governor to try the witch-cases,81 and during the latter's repeated absences82 at the frontier became the acting governor. The ministers of Boston were "consulted by his Excellency and the Honourable Council" as to the conduct of the trials. Their "Return," bearing date of June 15, was drawn by Cotton Mather;83 and it was perhaps now that that divine, who had early (May 31) furnished the judges a body of instructions,84 was inspired by "the Direction of His Excellency the Governor"85 to undertake that "Account of the Sufferings brought upon the Countrey by Witchcraft," which was ready for submission to Sir William on his return from the east in early October, and with which, under its title of The Wonders of the Invisible World, we must soon make acquaintance. The opening clauses of the governor's letter show plainly the influence of that book;86 and the change in tone between its earlier and its later portion, and yet more between the letter of October and that of February, is not the least interesting feature of these documents.87 Notes 80. William Stoughton (see above, p. 183 and note 2 ) was of course also a nominee of Mather's. He had not been forward in the revolution which overthrew the Andros government, but he had rallied to it, and Cotton Mather had written his father wishing he might "do anything to restore him to the favor of the country." 81. In the last week of May, at his first meetings with the new Council. The court began its sessions at Salem on June 2. 82. He was present in Boston at meetings of the Council on June 13, 18, July 4, 8, 15, 18, 21, 22, 25, 26, September 5, 12, 16, and again on October 14 (Moore, in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V. 251 note). Sewall on September 29 notes in his diary: "Governor comes to Town." 83. A summary of it may be found on pp. 356-357, below; the full text is appended to Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (1693) and has been often reprinted, both with that work and in later books. It is Cotton Mather himself (in his life of Phips) who tells us that he drafted it. 84. In his letter of May 31 to his parishioner John Richards, a member of the court (Mather Papers, pp. 391-397). It is endorsed -- with reason -- "Mr Cotton Mather, an Essay concerning Witchcraft"; for an essay it really is. A supplement, and an interesting one, is his letter of August 17 to John Foster, a member of the Council (printed by Upham in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather, pp. 39-40). 85. It has been questioned (by Upham and again by G. H. Moore) whether "the Governor" whose "commands" Mather alleges (see p. 206) may not be Stoughton instead of Phips; but his discrimination between the two is too clear and too constant to admit the suspicion, and still less can Stoughton and Sewall (see pp. 251, 378) have been inexact. A doubt as to who consulted the clergy must be similarly answered. Yet Stoughton may well have been behind both acts. 86. His phrases are taken almost bodily from the book (see, in Drake's edition, pp. 102-109, not here reprinted); and his statement as to the methods of the court echoes Mather's. It has been suggested (by Moore) that Mather himself drafted the letter; but neither the style nor the matter of its later portion can be his. 87. Cotton Mather, in his life of Phips, names as one of the causes of the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc., second series, I, 348-358) throw a vivid light on the problems then agitating the public mind. They are dated at New York on October 5, and the answers, dated October 11, cannot have reached Boston before the middle of that month. More distinctly than the Boston clergy they reject "spectral evidence." According to the Anglican rector at New York, John Miller (commenting on Mather's statement as borrowed by the geographer Hermann Moll), "the advice of the established English Minister was also asked and generously given"; "but," he adds, "they were not so civill as to thank him for it, nor do they here acknowledge it, although it was much to their purpose, and stood them in good stead." It may be found, however, written out by his own hand in his copy of Moll's Atlas (now in the New York Public Library); and it is summarized at pp. 274-276 of the New York Historical Society's Collections for 1869 and in the edition of Miller's New York considered (1695) by Mr. Paltsits (1903), to whom the editor owes suggestion of the matter. Miller's answers are, indeed, somewhat less credulous than those of his Calvinist colleagues; but (as appears from a "Memorandum" of his own) it is by no means certain that they reached New England. LETTERS OF GOVERNOR PHIPS When I first arrived I found this Province miserably harrassed with a most Horrible witchcraft or Possession of Devills which had broke in upon severall Townes, some scores of poor people were taken with preternaturall torments some scalded with brimstone some had pins stuck in their flesh others hurried into the fire and water and some dragged out of their houses and carried over the tops of trees and hills for many Miles together; it hath been represented to mee much like that of Sweden about thirtyyears agoe,88 and there were many committed to prison upon suspicion of Witchcraft before my arrivall. The loud cries and clamours of the friends of the afflicted people with the advice of the Deputy Governor and many others prevailed with mee to give a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for discovering what witchcraft might be at the bottome or whether it were not a possession. The chief Judge in this Commission was the Deputy Governour and the rest were persons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched upon. When the Court came to sitt at Salem in the County of Essex they convicted more than twenty persons of being guilty of witchcraft, some of the convicted were such as confessed their Guilt, the Court as I understand began their proceedings with the accusations of the afflicted and then went upon other humane89 evidences to strengthen that. I was almost the whole time of the proceeding abroad in the service of Their Majesties in the Eastern part of the Country and depended upon the Judgement of the Court as to a right method of proceeding in cases of Witchcraft but when I came home I found many persons in a strange ferment of dissatisfaction which was increased by some hott Spiritts that blew up the flame,90 but on enquiring into the matter I found that the Devill had taken upon him the name and shape of severall persons who were doubtless inocent and to my certain knowledge of good reputation for which cause I have now forbidden the committing of any more that shall be accused without unavoydable necessity, and those that have been committed I would shelter from any Proceedings against them wherein there may be the least suspition of any wrong to be done unto the Innocent. I would also wait for any particular directions or commands if their Majesties please to give mee any for the fuller ordering this perplexed affair. I have also put a stop to the printing of any discourses one way or other, that may increase the needless disputes of people upon this occasion, because I saw a likely-hood of kindling an inextinguishable flame if I should admitt any publique and open Contests and I have grieved to see that some who should have done their Majesties and this Province better service have so far taken Councill of Passion as to desire the precipitancy of these matters, these things have been improved by some to give me many interuptions in their Majesties service and in truth none of my vexations have been greater than this, than that their Majesties service has been hereby unhappily clogged, and the Persons who have made soe ill improvement of these matters here are seeking to turne it all uponmee,91 but I hereby declare that as soon as I came from fighting against their Majesties Enemyes and understood what danger some of their innocent subjects might be exposed to, if the evidence of the afflicted persons only did prevaile either to the committing or trying any of them, I did before any application was made unto me about it put a stop to the proceedings of the Court and they are now stopt till their Majesties pleasure be known. Sir I beg pardon for giving you all this trouble, the reason is because I know my enemies are seeking to turn it all upon me and I take this liberty because I depend upon your friendship, and desire you will please to give a true understanding of the matter if any thing of this kind be urged or made use of against mee. Because the justnesse of my proceeding herein will bee a sufficient defence. Sir I am with all imaginable respect Your most humble Servt William Phips. Letter Dated at Boston the 12th of october 1692. 92 Mem'dm That my Lord President be pleased to acquaint his Ma'ty in Councill with the account received from New England from Sir Wm. Phips the Governor there touching Proceedings against severall persons for Witchcraft as appears by the Governor's letter concerning those matters. Letter Boston in New England Febry 21st, 1692/3. May it please yor. Lordshp. By the Capn. of the Samuell and Henry I gave an account that att my arrivall here I found the Prisons full of people committed upon suspition of withcraft and that continuall complaints were made to me that many persons were grievously tormented by witches and that they cryed out upon severall persons by name, as the cause of their torments. The number of these complaints increasing every day, by advice of the Lieut Govr. and the Councill I gave a Commission of Oyer and Terminer to try the suspected witches and at that time the generality of the People represented the matter to me as reall witchcraft and gave very strange instances of the same. The first in Commission was the Lieut. Govr. and the rest persons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched upon and I depended upon the Court for a right method of proceeding in cases of witchcraft. At that time I went to command the army at the Eastern part of the Province, for the French and Indians had made an attack upon some of our Fronteer Towns. I continued there for some time but when I returned I found people much disatisfied at the proceedings of the Court, for about Twenty persons were condemned and executed of which number some were thought by many persons to be innocent. The Court still proceeded in the same method of trying them, which was by the evidence of the afflicted persons who when they were brought into the Court as soon as the suspected witches looked upon them instantly fell to the ground in strange agonies and grievous torments, but when touched by them upon the arme or some other part of their flesh they immediately revived and came to themselves, upon [which] they made oath that the Prisoner at the Bar did afflict them and that they saw their shape or spectre come from their bodies which put them to such paines and torments: When I enquired into the matter I was enformed by the Judges that they begun with this, but had humane testimony against such as were condemned and undoubted proof of their being witches, but at length I found that the Devill did take upon him the shape of Innocent persons and some were accused of whose innocency I was well assured and many considerable persons of unblameable life and conversation were cried out upon as witches and wizards. The Deputy Govr. notwithstanding persisted vigorously in the same method, to the great disatisfaction and disturbance of the people, until I put an end to the Court and stopped the proceedings, which I did because I saw many innocent persons might otherwise perish and at that time I thought it my duty to give an account thereof that their Ma'ties pleasure might be signifyed, hoping that for the better ordering thereof the Judges learned in the law in England might give such rules and directions as have been practized in England for proceedings in so difficult and so nice a point; When I put an end to theCourt93 there were at least fifty persons in prison in great misery by reason of the extream cold and their poverty, most of them having only spectre evidence against them, and their mittimusses being defective, I caused some of them to be lett out upon bayle and put the Judges upon considering of a way to reliefe others and prevent them from perishing in prison, upon which some of them were convinced and acknowledged that their former proceedings were too violent and not grounded upon a right foundation but that if they might sit againe, they would proceed after another method, and whereas Mr. Increase Mathew94 and severall other Divines did give it as their Judgment that the Devill might afflict in the shape of an innocent person and that the look and the touch of the suspected persons was not sufficient proofe against them, these things had not the same stress layd upon them as before, and upon this consideration I permitted a spetiall SuperiorCourt95 to be held at Salem in the County of Essex on the third day of January, the Lieut Govr. being Chief Judge. Their method of proceeding being altered, all that were brought to tryall to the number of fifety two, were cleared saving three, and I was enformed by the Kings Attorny Generall that some of the cleared and the condemned were under the same circumstances or that there was the same reason to clear the three condemned as the rest according to his Judgment. The Deputy Govr. signed a Warrant for their speedy execucion and also of five others who were condemned at the former Court of Oyer and terminer, but considering how the matter had been managed I sent a reprieve whereby the execucion was stopped untill their Maj. pleasure be signified and declared. The Lieut. Gov. upon this occasion was inranged and filled with passionate anger and refused to sitt upon the bench in a Superior Court then held at Charles Towne,96 and indeed hath from the beginning hurried on these matters with great precipitancy and by his warrant hath caused the estates, goods and chattles of the executed to be seized and disposed of without my knowledge or consent. The stop put to the first method of proceedings hath dissipated the blak cloud that threatened this Province with destruccion; for whereas this delusion of the Devill did spread and its dismall effects touched the lives and estates of many of their Ma'ties Subjects and the reputacion of some of the principall persons here,97 and indeed unhappily clogged and interrupted their Ma'ties affaires which hath been a great vexation to me, I have no new complaints but peoples minds before divided and distracted by differing opinions concerning this matter are now well composed. I am Yor. Lordships most faithfull humble Servant William Phips Addressed:] To the Rt. Honble the Earle of Nottingham att Whitehall London Indorsed:] R [i. e., received] May 24, 93 abt. Witches98 Notes 88. The famous case at Mohra in 1669-1670. Cotton Mather had appended to his Wonders an account of it. 89. Human. 90. He thinks perhaps of the Baptist preacher, William Milborne, one of the leaders in the later revolution, who on June 25 was called before the Council because of two papers subscribed by him and several others, "containing very high reflections upon the administration of public justice within this their Majesty's Province" (Moore, Notes on Witchcraft, p. 12; Final Notes, p. 72). What seems one of these papers, addressed "to the Grave and Juditious the Generall Assembly of the Province," has been found (see it in N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55, and reprinted by Moore in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V. 246) and proves a protest against the conviction "upon bare specter testimonie" of "persons of good fame and of unspotted reputation." It must have been in circulation before the detection of its author, and was very possibly the reason for the consultation of the clergy. 91. It must be remembered that the new charter, by opening the suffrage to those who were not church members, had greatly strengthened the party opposed to the theocracy -- and to the theocracy's governor. More than once it has been said, too, that the Salem witchcraft was the rock on which the theocracy shattered. 92. This letter, with its memorandum, has been printed in the Essex Institute Historical Collections, IX. 86-88, from a copy made in the British archives ("Colonial Entry Book, vol. 62, p. 414," now C. O. 5: 905, p. 414). It has since been printed also in the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1689-1692 (no. 2551, p. 720), which uses not only this MS. (mistakenly called "an extract") but another ("Board of Trade, New England, 6, no. 7," now C. O. 5: 857, no. 7); but the editor has corrected and paraphrased. The last-named MS. (C. O. 5: 857, no. 7) is, however, the original letter; and the present impression has been carefully collated with it at London, many corrections resulting. October 14, in the Essex Institute's reprint, is only a printer's error for October 12. The letter was addressed to William Blathwayt, clerk of the Privy Council, and it is he who added the memorandum (to the Entry Book copy). 93. It was on October 29, three days after the passage by the General Court of the bill calling for a fast and a convocation of ministers for guidance "as to the witchcrafts," and, as Judge Sewall tells us (see p. 186, note 1, above) in such "season and manner" that "the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed," that in the Council, when "Mr. Russel asked whether the Court of Oyer and Terminer should sit, expressing some fear of Inconvenience by its fall," the "Governour said it must fall." (Sewall's Diary, I. 368.) 94. Mather. Undoubtedly an error of the English copyist. The advice meant was that of the twelve ministers of Boston and vicinity on June 15. See introduction. 95. The Superior Court was created by act of the General Court of the province -- of course with the concurrence of the governor -- on November 25, 1692; but its session at Salem would, under the law, have come in the next November, and a supplementary act was passed on December 16, providing, "upon consideration that many persons charged capital offenders are now in custody within the county of Essex," for a court of assize and general jail delivery there on January 3. 96. For this episode see pp. 382-383. 97. A "letter from Boston" printed in the British Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696, p. 63, says that "The witchcraft at Salem went on vigorously... until at last members of Council and Justices were accused"; and the Boston merchant Calef in 1697 wrote: "If it be true what was said at the Counsel-board in answer to the commendations of Sir William, for his stopping the proceedings about Witchcraft, viz. That it was high time for him to stop it, his own Lady being accused; if that Assertion were a truth, then New-England may seem to be more beholden to the accusers for accusing of her, and thereby necessitating a stop, than to Sir William" (More Wonders, p. 154). Lady Phips had earned an accusation by daring, in Sir William's absence, herself to issue a warrant for the discharge of an accused woman. The keeper lost his place. (MS. letter quoted by Hutchinson, II. 61, note; the writer had it from the keeper himself and had seen the document.) 98. This letter is here reprinted from the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, second ser., I. 340-342, where the original, in the British archives, is described as "America and West Indies, No. 591" and "also in Colonial Entry Book, No. 62, p. 426"; but the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696, which again prints it, though in abridged form, ascribes it to "America and West Indies, 561, nos. 28, 29," and mentions the duplicate as "Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXII, pp. 426-430," and as "entered as addressed to William Blathwayt." It may also be found in G. H. Moore's Final Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts (New York, 1885), pp. 90-93, with his annotations. Examination at the British Public Record Office shows that the original letter (formerly America and West Indies, 561, no. 28) is now C. O. 5: 51, no. 28, and is plainly addressed to the Earl of Nottingham. FROM "THE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD," BY COTTON MATHER, 1693 INTRODUCTION How The Wonders of the Invisible World came to be written we have already seen.99 Its author had "a talent for sudden composures." We have seen what a scrap-bag was his Memorable Providen